quarta-feira, 23 de maio de 2012

Lista Kandidatu Partidu CNRT Nian Ba Periódu 2012-2017

Dili MLP: Lista kandidatura  Partidu Kongresu Nasional Rekonstrusaun Timor Leste (CNRT)  nian ba periodu 2012-2017:

1. Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão
2. Dionisio Babo Soares
3. Fernanda Lay
4. Vicente da S. Guterres
5. Eduardo Barreto
6. Virginia Ana Belo
7. Arão Noe
8. Duarte Nunes
9. Brigida Correia
10.  Adérito Hugo
11.  Natalino dos Santos
12.  Maria Rosa da Cãmara
13.  Izilda Perreira Soares
14.  Pedro da Costa Martins
15.  Virgilio Marçal
16.  Mateus de Jesus
17.  José da Sivla- Folaran
18.  Carmelita Moniz
19.  Domingas Alves da silva- Bilo Mali
20.  Jacob de Araujo
21.  Cesar Valente de Jesus
22.  Anselmo da Conceição
23.  Jacinto Viegas
24.  Ángela Corvelo
25.  Albina Marçal Freitas
26.  Antónia Ximenes Serpa
27.  Francisco da Costa
28.  Domingos C. De Araujo
29.  Agostinho Lay
30.  Bendita Moniz Magno
31.  Manuel da Costa Guterres
32.  Cristóvão Barros
33.  Fátima Belo
34.  Patrocinio F. dos Reis
35.  Manuel Soares Salsinha
36.  Rosa Baptista- Biante
37.  Ivo Valente
38.  Marçal Avelino Ximenes
39.  Veneranda Lemos
40.  Jesuino Matos
41.  Ilídio Ximenes da Costa
42.  Delfina C. S. Rangel
43.  João Olivio
44.  José Telo Critóvão
45.  Aliança da Costa
46.  Serafin da Costa Flores
47.  Macos Xavier
48.  Filomena de Oliveira Camóes
49.  Marcos Cardinal
50.  José Reis Magno
51.  Salustiana Simóes
52.  Martinho Laurentinho Bere
53.  Santiago Barreto
54.  Augusta Nunes
55.  Antónia Araujo
56.  Manuel Pinto
57.  Lucia Táeki
58.  Egas Barros
59.  Manuel Reis Oliveira
60.  Flavia M. Augusta Martins
61.  João Aroujo Leki
62.  Gonsalo Soares
63.  Luciana da Cruz
64.  Antoninho Salsinha
65.  Valente Ramos Bianca

No naran suplmente sira mak tuir mai ne’e

66. Ivone de Jesus Santos
67. Sérgio Lobo
68. Amandio de Sá Benevides
69. Isabel Gomes
70. Paulo De Fátima Martins
71. João Gonçalves Perreira
72. Alexandrina F. Dos Santos
73. Marcelino Cunha
74. João Tabes
75. Rita Ana Lucia Martins
76. Zeferino do S. Sequeira
77. Hermenjildo da Costa
78. Umbelina Sanches Soares
79. José Virgilio Rodrigues Ferreira
80. Pedro Horacio
81. Dionisia Maria Sávio
82. Albino da Silva
83. Adroaldo da Costa
84. Virna Ermelinda
85. Luis da Silva Andrade
86. Oscar de Araujo
87. Rosita Perreira de Carvalho
88. Carlito Pinheiro
89. Júlio Coel
90. Micaela Ximenes

Faustino: CNRT Sei Lasimu Osan Husi Kompañia Sira

Dili - MLP: Komisaun Nasional Eleisaun (CNE) hala’o ekontru urjente ho Partidu CNRT hodi ko’alia konaba ba fundus agrariasaun ne’ebé mak foin dadauk hala’o iha Sentru Konvensaun Dili (CCD).

Relasiona ho informasaun  nomos karta ne’ebé Prezidente GOPAK, Deputada, Fernanda Borges haruka ba katak Partidu CNRT simu osan  husi kompañia no ema estranjeiru sira bainhira hala’o fundus agrariasaun iha CCD. Ne’eduni parte husi komisaun Nasional Eleisaun hala’o enktru emerjénsia ho Sekretáriu Jeral Partidu CNRT, Dr. Dionisio Babo.

Hafoin enkontru Prezidente CNE, Dr. Faustino Cardoso ba Jornalista Média Lebertasaun Povu imforma katak Partidu CNRT  iha komitmentu boot hodi kumpri lei no promete katak sidadaun sira ne’ebé mak hakarak fó apóiu ba Partidu maibe ho kompañia  nia naran ka ema estranjeiru  sei fo fila sira nia osan. “Ami mos hatene ona katak Partidu CNRT iha ninia konsiensia hatudu komitmentu  boot hodi tuir lei, tanba ne’e Paridu CNRT liu husi ninia ekipa ida  ne’ebé organiza “Malam Dana” iha divizaun juridikasaun agora dadaun  sei halo hela  verifiksaun ba ema sira ne’ebé mak fo dana ne’e. sekarik   sira mai husi kompañia ka ema estranjeiru  sira nia, Partidu CNRT promote katak  sei lasimu, no sei fo fila hikas ba nain” dehan Faustino hafoin enkontru ho lideransa husi Partidu CNRT Kuarta-Feira (23/05/12) iha Sede Nasional Partidu CNRT.
Prezidente CNE mos hatutan katak partidu politíku hotu-hotu iha direitu atu halo agrariasaun fundus ne’e lei  labandu ida.

“Partidu politíku sira hotu-hotu iha dereitu halo “Malam Dana” naran katak labele simu osan kompañia ruma ka ema estranjeiru” nia hatutan.

Bainhira hatan konaba imformasaun ne’ebé fo sai Prezidente GOPAK  husi Parlamentu Nasional ne’e los ka los, oras ne’e dadaun parte husi CNE komesa halibur imformsaun hotu hodi bele tetu di-diak depois mak fo sai ba públiku sei  liu husi  media sira.

Iha tempu hanesan mos Sekretáriu Jeral Partidu CNRT, Dr. Dionisio Babo hateten katak enkontru ne’e  sira ko’alia liu konaba fundus agrariasaun ne’ebé mak iha loron 12 fulan Maiu tinan hala’o iha CCD, tanba publiku balun kestiona maka’as. Maibe Partidu CNRT sei halo verifikasaun ba dadus hotu hafoin simu osan husi militante sira, karik sira mai ho kompañia nia naran ka ema estranjeiru Partidu promote sei la simu sira nia osan.

Timor-Leste: 10 years of independence

On Sunday 20 May, East Timor will celebrate ten years of independence. As a nation born from the ashes of destruction, its first decade has been marked by problems and set-backs. Many in East Timor, not least its outgoing president, Jose Ramos-Horta, lament a lack of development since independence. Ramos-Horta notes that the international community has spent billions of dollars in East Timor, yet most East Timorese remain amongst the world’s poorest people. But a little over a year ago, Ramos-Horta said that the country had never been better. The question is, in part, whether the metaphorical glass is half empty or half full. It is also, in part, whether the speaker – in this case Ramos-Horta – had a political score to settle. In early 2011, Ramos-Horta was still firmly in Gusmao’s political tent. A year later, he is an ex-president outside that tent. Many East Timorese have also been disappointed with independence. With independence came statistical indicators – and a reality - that showed East Timorese people amongst the most underprivileged in the world.

A recent report noted that, as a result of malnutrition, most East Timorese children suffered from stunted growth. But East Timorese people have always been critically poor, and the situation getting worse before it gets better is an almost universal post-independence phenomenon. Unsurprisingly, rising popular frustration ran up against limited government capacity. The 2006 result, as it has been in many other newly independent countries, was chaos. Since then, however, a democratic change of government coincided with rising oil receipts and developing local capacity has seen its key development indicators vastly improve. Infant and maternal mortality rates have been cut in half and literacy has increased along with average incomes and life expectancies. If East Timorese children do have stunted, they are much less likely to die of starvation. But East Timor still has many challenges ahead of it, the biggest of which is the sustainable management of its $10 billion plus oil fund. It is this – and realistically only this - that will underpin the economy into the indefinite future. However, the oil fund is being spent at well beyond a sustainable capacity.

The government argues this spending is necessary to boost infrastructure development and skills and, in effect, buy off problems such as high unemployment. But there is the very real risk that spending will not produce the desired outcomes, will promote corruption and will eventually leave the country broke. Ten years on from independence, East Timor has two saving graces. One is that while the UN and the Australian-led peacekeepers are due to leave at the end of the year, the international community remains committed to East Timor’s longer term success. But, most importantly, the people of East Timor have embraced the idea that they can determine their own affairs. It is this commitment to regularising and further embedding political accountability, evident in the election process that is coinciding with its 10th anniversary, which gives East Timor the best chance for the future.

Timor-Leste: Coalitions and Alliances


As Timor-Leste heads towards it parliamentary elections on 7 July, it is increasingly likely that no single party will receive sufficient votes to hold an absolute majority in parliament in its own right. Despite claims by some parties’ leaders about the extent of their impending victory, none is likely in the manner in which it is being touted. As a result, the next government can be expected to be formed through an alliance or coalition of parties. While the terminology is not the determining factor, within Timor-Leste, it is commonly assumed that a ‘coalition’ is a political agreement reached between two or more parties prior to an election.

An ‘alliance’, on the other hand, is understood to be where two or more parties enter into a partnership following an election. The term ‘alliance’ has particular resonance within Timor-Leste, reflecting Article 106.1 of the Constitution, which specifies that the President must appoint as the Prime Minister either the head of the party that receives the most votes or the head of an alliance of parties that are able to form a majority in parliament. The idea of a coalition has the immediate appeal of showing voters what sort of political deals their preferred party will make prior to them voting. There is a transparency in this that is not available to post-election deal-making that can form alliances. Coalitions also come to act more like a single party, if with internal factions, which is how most political parties operate in any case.

The advantage of a coalition, tending towards being a larger single party, is that it creates a more stable political environment through consistency of ideological alignment and by helping to consolidate voting around larger blocs rather than a less coherent fracturing of smaller parties. More and smaller parties may represent specific political interests more accurately. But they also tend to become compromised by having to do deals with other parties in order to achieve a degree of political power. It is also a truism in democratic politics that while a two-party political system can narrow potential political options, it tends to offer voters a fairly clear either/or voting proposition, which in turn implies greater political stability. One need only look at the outcome of the 2012 elections in Greece to see the type of political impasse that can arise when there are a number of smaller parties that are deeply divided over key political issues. It is such chaotic political circumstances in the past that have led, in Weimar Germany in the 1930s, to an increase in presidential control over the political process, ending up with the suspension of civil liberties and the ascension of a dictator.

Similarly, as a consequence of political incoherence in France in the 1950s, it changed its constitution to increase the powers of the president from being largely ceremonial to making the system semi-presidential, with extensive presidential powers for the first years of the transition. It is unlikely that Timor-Leste will fall into political chaos as a result of its numerous small parties, primarily because it is not facing a major crisis over which the parties do not agree. But the potential for political chaos does remain larger rather than smaller while numerous parties exist. The reason for Timor-Leste’s numerous small parties is its proportional representation political system. This ensures that voters do not feel disenfranchised by being forced to vote for one of a smaller number of larger parties they might not feel political sympathy for. But this system does encourage the existence of more and necessarily smaller parties than is otherwise politically ideal.

 The main driver for maintaining a proportional representation system is to ensure that local political control does not consolidate in the hands of local power holders, as is possible under a direct representation system. But the leaders of the smaller parties also have a much greater chance of being elected under a proportional model. This self-interest is also the main driver behind party leaders not wanting to enter into coalitions ahead of elections. Party leaders believe that if they commit prior to an election, their supporters may come to believe they are not voting for their favourite party but, in effect, from the major party in the coalition. There is an element of accuracy to this assumption. As part of a pre-arranged coalition, the party leaders would also lose their capacity to bargain for ministerial positions and other influence following an election. So they tend to want to wait and then, they hope, capitalise on their vote. However, being in a coalition means that the bargaining for post-election position takes place not on the basis of votes, but on the basis of agreement. In 2007, based on the first round presidential election results, the Democratic Party, for example, looked as though it would have a strong bargaining position after the parliamentary elections.

 However, its vote significantly declined in the parliamentary elections, along with some of its bargaining power. The real question in 2012 will be, however, not how well presidential representatives did in the first round of voting, but what deals can be offered by the larger parties as they try to bring together a majority of seats in the new parliament. The two, or possibly three, main parties will each have their own agenda which, depending on the final alignment of parties in parliament, will produce very different political outcomes for Timor-Leste. It may be, as some observers, think, that there will be few surprises arising from the parliamentary elections and that the shape of the next government is relatively predictable. However, numerous smaller parties and the potential for opportunism, shifting loyalties and political revenge, Timor-Leste’s political process may yet throw up a surprise outcome.

segunda-feira, 21 de maio de 2012

Sábado, 19 de Maio de 2012

MSE - Lusa

Díli, 19 mai (Lusa) - As autoridades timorenses e indonésias assinaram hoje vários memorandos de entendimento nos setores do turismo, desporto e desenvolvimento económico fronteiriço entre os dois países.

A assinatura ocorreu no âmbito de uma curta visita oficial que o Presidente da Indonésia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, está a fazer ao país para participar nas comemorações do 10º aniversário da restauração da independência e na tomada de posse do novo chefe de Estado timorense, Taur Matan Ruak.

O Presidente indonésio chegou hoje a Díli e regressa domingo à Indonésia.

Os memorandos de entendimento foram assinados no Palácio do Governo pelos chefes da diplomacia de Timor-Leste, Zacarias da Costa, e da Indonésia, Marty Natalegawa, na presença do primeiro-ministro, Xanana Gusmão, e do chefe de Estado indonésio.

No âmbito do desenvolvimento económico fronteiriço, os dois países concordaram aumentar a cooperação para desenvolver programas conjuntos para uma economia integrado na única fronteira terrestre existente entre os dois país, a oeste.

Os dois países assinaram também uma declaração conjunta que oficializa o Passe Fronteiriço na fronteira de Napan, Indonésia, e Bobometo, Timor-Leste, para facilitar a circulação de cidadãos dos dois países.

O memorando de entendimento para o setor do turismo prevê o apoio indonésio a Timor-Leste para a criação de políticas turísticas e estratégias de marketing, bem como formação de recursos humanos.

Indonésia tem a obrigação moral de apoiar o progresso do país - PR Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono

MSE - Lusa

Díli, 19 mai (Lusa) - O Presidente da Indonésia, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, disse hoje em Díli, onde chegou para uma visita oficial de 24 horas, que o seu país tem a obrigação moral de apoiar o progresso de Timor-Leste.

Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono falava aos jornalistas após ter assistido com o primeiro-ministro timorense, Xanana Gusmão, à assinatura de um conjunto de memorandos de entendimento nos setores do turismo, desporto e desenvolvimento económico fronteiriço.

"A Indonésia tem a obrigação moral de apoiar o progresso, prosperidade e desenvolvimento de Timor-Leste", afirmou o chefe de Estado indonésio, na sala de imprensa do Palácio do Governo timorense.

Segundo Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, a visita a Timor-Leste tem como objetivos reforçar a cooperação entre os dois países, assistir à cerimónia da tomada de posse do futuro Presidente do país, Taur Matan Ruak, e "participar num dia histórico que é o 10º aniversário da restauração da independência", no domingo.

"Acredito que com a liderança de Xanana Gusmão, o Presidente Ramos-Horta ou com o novo chefe de Estado, Taur Matan Ruak, o futuro e a prosperidade de Timor-Leste vão continuar a florescer", disse.

O primeiro-ministro, Xanana Gusmão, agradeceu ao Estado indonésio por contribuir para o desenvolvimento de Timor-Leste através das relações de cooperação em quase todos os setores.

Antes de se reunir no Palácio do Governo com Xanana Gusmão, o Presidente indonésio teve um encontro com o chefe de Estado cessante, José Ramos-Horta, durante o qual foi condecorado com o Grande Colar da Ordem de Timor-Leste.

A Ordem de Timor-Leste visa reconhecer e agradecer aos nacionais e estrangeiros que pelo comportamento ou atos praticados contribuíram em benefício do país, timorenses ou Humanidade.

A Ordem de Timor-Leste está dividida em quatro graus: o Grande Colar (atribuído apenas a chefes de Estado), o Colar, a Medalha e a Insígnia.

A visita do Presidente indonésio termina domingo.
Jurista português envolvido na crise política e militar de 2006 analisa a situação do país e aponta o que ainda falta fazer

Por: Catarina Pereira  |  20- 5- 2012  0: 0
Timor-Leste é um país independente há dez anos. A paz e a liberdade parecem definitivamente conquistadas. A economia é desequilibrada, a indústria é frágil e a dependência do Estado é quase total. Os timorenses já não receiam um atentado, uma guerra civil ou uma ocupação a todo o momento, até porque a maioria tem de preocupar-se em colocar comida em cima da mesa.

Este é o retrato traçado por Domingos Tristão, jurista português que se mudou logo a seguir à independência para o país recém-criado. «A maior conquista dos timorenses nestes 10 anos foi a liberdade, poderem falar. Existe aqui uma liberdade como não há em Portugal», disse, ao tvi24.pt.

Apesar do desenvolvimento económico, há ainda «muita gente que não tem o mínimo de sobrevivência económica». «A maioria ainda luta para ter dinheiro para comer. Há mais dinheiro no país, mas falta um desenvolvimento económico mais equilibrado e distribuído», lamentou.

Domingos Tristão, desde 2005 conselheiro do governo timorense, recorda «o momento mais difícil» destes 10 anos: em 2006, um grupo de mais de 500 militares submeteu uma petição ao chefe das Forças Armadas, Taur Matan Ruak [que este domingo toma posse como presidente], e ao presidente da altura, Xanana Gusmão. «Queixavam-se que não eram promovidos nos quartéis» e que havia discriminação nas Forças Armadas, pelo que «abandonaram os quartéis».

«Xanana prometeu-lhes que a situação ia ser analisada, mas que tinham de regressar aos quartéis», conta. Foi criada, então, uma comissão para analisar as queixas e a atitude dos militares, que não obedeceram à ordem. «O general Taur Matan Ruak pediu-me um parecer, numa altura em que não havia legislação e a organização administrativa era muito ténue. Uma vez que não tinham obedecido ao presidente, considerei que tinham abandonado o posto de serviço e aquilo descambou», afirma.

Os militares foram exonerados, manifestaram-se e provocaram uma crise política e militar que só terminou após a morte do major Alfredo Reinado, durante um atentado contra o então presidente José Ramos-Horta, a 11 de fevereiro de 2008, no mesmo dia em que dispararam contra a casa do primeiro-ministro Xanana Gusmão.

Vários deputados defenderam que Domingos Tristão «devia ser expulso» do país. «Não foi uma situação confortável. O palácio do governo destruído, fugiram todos. Houve dias em que ia para lá sozinho trabalhar, mas nunca tive problema nenhum, nunca me senti ameaçado», frisa.

Após a crise de 2006 e os atentados de 2008, o jurista garante que se instalou um clima de paz «que muita gente não acreditava ser possível» em apenas 10 anos. «As pessoas não têm receio que essas situações voltem a acontecer», assegura, dando como exemplo as eleições presidenciais de março e abril deste ano, que foram já «muito pacíficas». Taur Matan Ruak venceu à segunda volta, com mais de 60 por cento dos votos, e será investido no cargo este domingo.

Questionado sobre o papel da comunidade portuguesa nos últimos dez anos, Domingos Tristão garante que «os portugueses têm dado um apoio muito grande». «Os timorenses confiam especialmente nos portugueses, sabem que não estão aqui por interesse, mas para ajudar», diz, salientando que a «maior colaboração» se vê na educação e na justiça e que «a grande luta» tem sido no ensino da língua portuguesa, uma vez que «a geração até aos 40 anos não sabe falar português».

O conselheiro do governo timorense alerta que «falta ainda alguma formação» na área da segurança, pelo que, mesmo com o final da Missão Integrada das Nações Unidas (UNMIT) no país, em dezembro deste ano, espera que a GNR continue no terreno.

Para o futuro, Domingos Tristão espera que Timor-Leste procure «boas relações» com a Indonésia e a Austrália. «E devem expandir essas relações para outros países, como por exemplo os da CPLP. Este pode ser um bom caminho nas relações comerciais».

2012-05-21 19:15:12

Díli – O Presidente da República portuguesa, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, disse que as pessoas e o Estado continuarão a estar com Timor-Leste e a atender aos desafios do desenvolvimento nacional.
O Presidente português, sua esposa Maria Cavaco Silva e os seus ministros, visitaram o Parlamento Nacional de Timor-Leste, este Domingo, 20 de Maio.

As bancadas parlamentares timorenses disseram aos visitantes que Portugal é um bom amigo de Timor-Leste e existe uma ligação histórica e emocional entre as duas nações, que não poderia ser esquecida.

Os deputados manifestaram a esperança de que Timor-Leste e Portugal continuarão a reforçar os laços de amizade para o desenvolvimento de ambas as nações.

Cavaco Silva disse que Portugal tem obrigação de continuar a apoiar a sua antiga colónia, que tinha apoiou na luta para a independência, contra a ocupação indonésia.

«O povo português está sempre do lado de Timor-Leste nas situações difíceis», disse o Chefe de Estado.

Cavaco Silva disse ainda que está orgulhoso do desenvolvimento do Ensino da língua portuguesa em Timor-Leste e que apoiou a candidatura do país para se juntar à ASEAN.

O Presidente Parlamento Nacional, Fernando Lasama de Araújo, disse que os timorenses não se esquecem das contribuições de Portugal para a independência.

Portugal sempre defendeu causa de Timor-Leste, internacionalmente, mesmo quando a porta das Nações Unidas ainda estava fechada às exigências deste país para a autodeterminação.

O novo Presidente da República, Taur Matan Ruak, também agradeceu à Nova Zelândia a assistência a Timor-Leste durante os últimos 10 anos de independência.

«A Nova Zelândia tem prestado inestimável apoio em áreas como a educação e a formação profissional e militar, que considero essencial para o futuro do nosso país. Somos gratos pelo seu apoio e estamos ansiosos para continuar com essa colaboração», disse Taur Matan Ruak, durante um banquete de Estado em honra da Nova Zelândia, em Díli, este Domingo.

O desenvolvimento da Nova Zelândia deu um bom exemplo a Timor-Leste», referiu o Chefe do Estado timorense.

«Para nós a Nova Zelândia destaca-se como um exemplo de social, político, económico, de realização cultural e científico, mas também nos mostra como interagir com os países vizinhos, a região e mundo», acrescentou o Presidente.

O ex-Chefe de Estado, José Ramos-Horta, também elogiou a relação entre Timor-Leste e Nova Zelândia, que tem vindo a apoiar o país desde a sua independência através do envio de forças policiais para oferecer treino e para monitorar a situação de segurança.

O Governador-geral da Nova Zelândia disse que Timor-Leste tem mostrado grande progresso durante os últimos 10 anos, sendo que a segurança e a economia estão em causa.

«O nosso país manteve-se firme no seu apoio ao desenvolvimento de Timor-Leste», referiu o Governador-geral.

«Eu vim para dizer ao povo timorense que continuamos o compromisso com Timor-Leste na área social, de segurança e educação», disse Mateparae.

O Governador-geral australiano, Quentin Bryce, e o Presidente indonésio, Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, também participaram nas celebrações da Restauração do Dia da Independência.

Taur Matan Ruak disse que as relações entre Timor-Leste e a Austrália, Indonésia, Portugal e outros países, são de extrema importância.
(c) PNN Portuguese News Network

Timor PM's party denies receiving illegal political donations

Radio Australia

Updated 21 May 2012, 15:33 AEST

On Friday, Connect Asia carried a story about alleged illegal political donations raised by East Timor Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao's party, the CNRT.

The Global Organisation of Parliamentarians against Corruption in Timor-Leste says the donations appear to have come from a range of local and international companies that have also won large government construction contracts.

It says it has referred these allegations to the country's Anti-Corruption Commission, Prosecutor-General and the National Election Commission.

Presenter: Bill Bainbridge
Speaker: Dionisio Babo Soares, Secretary General of CNRT

SOARES: I think first of all these allegations actually came from Fernanda Borges, a member of the national parliament. She was addressing the fundraising evening that our party conducted 12 days earlier. It was actually a meeting of party members and we didn't expect that of course there were also people coming from other sections of the community, and of course in the evening a lot of them, some of them were also included in the list of people who were actually wanting to contribute to the party, the fundraising evening. And we were very much aware of the law that is in place at the moment and we actually knew that we'll have to actually scrutinise everything before we accept anything. What happened at that night was just promises from these individuals who the party still need to actually scrutinise, analyse, see if those commitments are acceptable or not. So we have not received any money at all, it's just a fundraising evening and the people who turned up there actually promised that they want to contribute a certain amount of money individually, not in the name of their private companies whatsoever. So there is not any money that the party has received so far, only promises.

BAINBRIDGE: But will you reject these donations then?

SOARES: Absolutely if the donations are against the law we will absolutely reject them.

BAINBRIDGE: But you seem to be saying that you won't accept them if they come from their company, but you may accept them if they are given as individual donations. Isn't that also in contravention of East Timor's law?

SOARES: No I think that law no.6 2008 stipulated that the party, any political party as other political parties have done, which has not been surprisingly scrutinised in the past. Now Fernanda Borges is just very, very eager to do, and we are open to be scrutinised, be investigated by the Anti-Corruption Commission or the Prosecutor-General. In that law it stipulates that (words indistinct) to funding or can get donations from private individuals, not private entities or from foreign entities. Some people who actually turned up that night happen to be people from other companies or from other countries, which we didn't actually identify one by one.

BAINBRIDGE: But isn't that just making a sort of technical distinction, if these people say they're giving it as private individuals but happen to be the CEO of a large company which gets a big construction contract from the government?

SOARES: This is why I think we have, the party has decided before this allegation if any such thing happened the party will have to actually, the judicial commission of the party will have to scrutinise and see if those promises are acceptable or not.

BAINBRIDGE: So what is the criterion for deciding whether they are acceptable then?

SOARES: First of all we have to look at the form of donation, second, is were they compliant with the law or not? If they are private individuals of course we will accept, but if they are from private entities or companies both nationally and internationally, the law prohibits, So we will not accept any donation or touch a thing.
BAINBRIDGE: So how has the CNRT been raising funds to pay for its election campaign?
SOARES: Well most of the funding actually comes from the party members who contribute individually so far. We have not made any fundraising in the past, unlike other political parties here, Fretilin has done so, and have raised so much amount of money from all these different kind of people. But the issue has never been raised. Fernanda Borges I think has done privately as well and other political parties also. They have opened up to this kind of fundraisers, it's just that it's never been actually put on (words indistinct) for the language.

BAINBRIDGE: Have you made your list of donors public or will you make your list of donors public before the election?

SOARES: Oh yes of course, I mean the fundraising evening itself was public, all journalists were there. The journalists actually did not write down or note down the names of the people, but they noted down the name of companies and the amount of donations that were promised. That is why actually this global anti-corruption commission in the parliament headed by Fernanda Borges, which did not even consult all the members which are members of CNRT party in the parliament, made a unilateral decision by bringing this thing out to the surface. I think it's for political consumption, it's only for political consumption, it has nothing to do with their intention, their nominal intention to scrutinise the party.

BAINBRIDGE: Well to be fair to Fernanda Borges and her party she was responding to press reports, it had been reported in East Timor before she made her call that it should be investigated?

SOARES: I think she should have verified first with the party, with us to find out what is really, I mean she just actually picked up something on the media, something actually which was published on Fretilin's blog... and then she started speaking out, and I know very much it all came about. So we are ready to be investigated, we are open because the fundraising evening dinner with the President was done openly, all the journalists were present, it was very transparent. So I don't see any problem with that.

BAINBRIDGE: The CNRT will be going to the elections like all the other parties in East Timor in less than two months. Do you think that these allegations are going to affect your election campaign?

SOARES: Well first of all the allegation was intended and directed to actually influence CNRT growing popularity among our own population. That was very clear. Second, is that the opposition is trying to use any issue that they consider can create any problem for CNRT to the public, because the issue of corruption has been again and again uttered during the last four years, but it'll never work. CNRT has the full support for Taur Matan Ruak for president. This party is very strong, the leadership is very strong and nothing has been reported about corruption, even the members of the government have never been recorded of any corruption or allegations of corruption in the past. So they're trying to use all the possible weapons that they can to actually fail CNRT. Trust me it won't have any impact at all in the election.

Celso Oliveira
Gosta hakerek historia badak no dadolin Timor nian
 Bem Vindo Presidenti da Republika Taur Matan Ruak 
Se karik ema bulak ida mosu mai hodi halai isin molik iha sidadi Dili, iha loron tomada de posse, 19 de Maio, konserteza ema hotu-hotu sei hamnasa hodi halo komentariu oi-oin. Maibe, iha realidadi, ohin loron iha ema bulak barak maka lao tun sae iha Dili laran. 
Ikus-ikus ne, hau hare'e ema hotu-hotu la fo'o interesse tiha ona ba governu AMP ninia lalaok/governasaun. Tamba sira dehan nune: "ahhh...hela deit semana ida ou rua atu remata mandatu, AMP la importanti ona. Atu lao diak ka lae, masa bodoh. Yang penting, osan tama nafatin". 
Kuandu Presidenti Fretilin Lu-Olo manan iha primeira ronda eleisaun prezidensial liu ba, hau hare'e Presidenti no koordenador hosi partidu sira seluk no mos kandidatu independenti balun fo'o hotu apoio ba Lu-Olo. Sira halo deklarasaun barak-barak hodi dehan kandidatu independenti Taur Matan Ruak lakon ona iha korrida ba Palacio das Cinzas, 2012-2017. Pior liu tan, ema sira ne'e komesa husu ona pasta ministerial balun ba Fretilin. Komiku. Maibe, realidadi. 
Laos ne'e deit, hotu tiha segunda ronda hodi lori vitoria maioria ba Taur Matan Ruak hanesan Presidenti da Republika foun iha Timor Leste, mosu kedas "Surat Kaleng" ou "Karta Anonima" hodi trata a'at PR foun TMR no atual PM Xanana Gusmao. 
Tuir hau nia hare'e, karta anonima hodi trata a'at lideransa politika laos novidadi iha Timor. Kuandu ita akompanya didiak blogs, liu-liu Facebook, ita hare'e komentariu oi-oin nebe la uza naran lolos hodi trata a'at lideransa politika iha Timor. Ne'e duni, hau fo'o razaun ba PM Xanana nebe husu atu publika tiha deit iha media massa karta anonima nebe koalia a'at nia ho futuru PR TMR. 
Depois de segunda ronda eleisaun presidensial, hau hare'e ema hotu-hotu fo'o felisitasoens ba futuru PR foun TMR, inklui Presidenti EUA Barak Obama, Presidenti Portugal, Presidenti Indonesia Susilo no lideres mundiais seluk tan. Maibe, infelizmente, Presidenti Fretilin, Francisco Lu-Olo to'o agora seidauk hasai deklarasaun hodi fo'o parabens ba ninia adversariu politiku duranti kampanya eleisaun presidensial, fitun rua TMR. Iha hau nia laran, hau sik-sik nune: "keta halo Fretilin konsidera futuru PR TL Taur Matan Ruak hanesan presidenti De Faktu deit. Se karik nune, entaun 20 de Maio 2012, diak liu Fretilin lalika tuir serimonia tomada de posse ba Presidenti foun RDTL nian, nebe sei realiza iha Tasi Tolu, Dili". 
Maibe, hau hanoin, Presidenti Fretilin Lu-Olo no Sekretariu Geral Mari Alkatiri oras ne'e daudaun reserva ou prepara hela sira nain rua ninia deklarasaun. I, hau fiar katak sira nain 2 maka sei fo'o uluk parabens ba fitun 2, TMR, nudar Presidenti da Republika ba dala tolu iha Timor Leste, de jure no de facto, periode 2012-2017. Tamba sira nain 2 hakarak hatudu ba Povo Timor katak Fretilin hadomi Paz, Estabilidadi no Progressu iha Timor. 
Ita hotu-hotu, nudar Timoroan, nudar sidadaun Timor, seja hela iha Timor ka estranjeiro, seja ema independentista ka integrasionista, tenki fo apoio maximu ba Taur Matan Ruak nudar Presidenti da Republika foun iha Timor. Tamba nia maka Povo hili ona, maioritariamente atu sai Timor nia na'i ulun, Timor nia lia nain, Timor nia mata dalan, iha tinan 5 nia laran. 
Tinan 5 sai ukun nain ba Timor Leste laos buat ida fasil. Ne'e duni, nudar sidadaun Timor, ita iha obrigasaun atu ejiji ba ita nia Presidenti da Republika foun, Taur Matan Ruak ninia responsalidadi, seriedadi, sakrifisiu, dedikasaun atu bele garantia Paz, Estabilidade no Progressu iha Timor.
Ita hotu-hotu, tenki servisu hamutuk, fo'o liman ba malu hodi tane interesse nasional as liu interesse privada ou grupo ou partidu. Tamba Povo Timor merese. 
Se karik, iha ema balun maka lakohi fo'o apoio maximu ba TMR nudar Presidenti da Republika RDTL, entaun iha realidadi hatudu duni katak ohin loron iha ema bulak barak maka lao tun sae iha Dili laran.
Parabens Taur Matan Ruak. Boa Leitura. 

Dili, 21 May 2012

2012 is a ten-year celebration, but it is 13 years since the agreement of May 1999, which promised that the people of East Timor would at last be able to exercise their right to self-determination. Before the end of that month, having been appointed by United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan as his Special Representative for the Popular Consultation, I was being greeted by Xanana Gusmao in his prison house in Jakarta with the words: “We have been waiting 24 years for the United Nations.”
Days later, I was raising the UN flag at the Balide compound which became the headquarters of UNAMET, the UN Mission in East Timor. The weeks which followed were full of drama and hard decisions. Deploying UN staff – mostly UN Volunteers – to the remotest districts of East Timor, to register voters. Confronting the militia created by the Indonesian Army, and a campaign of disinformation against UNAMET by Indonesian intelligence. Flying to Jakarta to present to General Wiranto the realities of TNI complicity in human rights abuses and threats to the UN. Taking a UN helicopter to Uai Mori to meet Falintil Deputy Commander Taur Matan Ruak, and later bringing him to Dili to meet with the TNI Commander.
Agonising over whether it was right to proceed with the ballot when pro-independence supporters were being intimidated and the Indonesians were flagrantly violating their commitment to maintain security and impartiality. Feeling deeply moved by the courage of the East Timorese voters who flocked to the polls on 25 August 1999, and proud of the commitment and performance of UNAMET national and international staff who defied all the threats and difficulties to ensure that the ballot went ahead.
Still greater drama was to follow. On 5 September, I announced the overwhelming vote for independence at the then Makhota Hotel, simultaneously with the Secretary-General’s announcement at UN headquarters in New York. Already Timorese staff of UNAMET had been killed in revenge for their role in the ballot, and following the announcement, the TNI unleashed the militia to go on the rampage across the territory.  As UNAMET was chased out of the districts, international staff stood by their Timorese colleagues whenever they could, and brought them to our Dili compound. A UN police officer was seriously wounded in Liquica, and in Baucau UNAMET staff lay on the floor as bullets poured into their office.
 Under siege in Dili, we could know little of the atrocities being committed - only later would we learn of the Suai Church massacre, directed by TNI officers and militia leaders whom we knew all too well. Timorese driven from their homes took refuge in the UN compound, and UN staff volunteered to remain with them rather than leave them behind in a general evacuation. Security Council members came to visit us, and added to the pressure on Habibie and Wiranto to accept international military intervention. Finally, we were able to take all those in the UNAMET compound with us to Darwin.
Only days later, I returned to Dili with Australian General Peter Cosgrove. I was privileged to be present for the return of Xanana Gusmao, and to be seen off by him when I handed over the UN leadership to Sergio Vieira de Mello.
In the years that followed, I had several opportunities to return to East Timor. I was a guest at the CNRT congress in 2000, bowled over when I was greeted by the original singers performing the UNAMET song which was part of our voter education campaign of 1999. I was a member of Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s party at the handover ceremony of May 2002. I came again to testify about the events of 1999 to the CAVR (the Commission for Reception, Truth and Reconciliation).
What I did not expect was that I would be sent back to an independent Timor-Leste in crisis. In May 2006, I was looking forward to a holiday, after the human rights monitoring mission I headed in Nepal had been on the front lines of the extraordinary People’s Movement there, which heralded the end of both the country’s civil war and its monarchy. I had read with dismay of the fighting between and among Timor-Leste’s police and army. But I was hardly expecting the phone call from Secretary-General Kofi Annan which asked me to go directly to Dili as his Special Envoy, to see what the UN could do to help contain the crisis. My first thought was to take with me Tamrat Samuel, had been my tutor and adviser regarding East Timor in 1999, when his experience of East Timor was already long-standing.
It was terrible to see buildings burning again in Dili, and to know that this time it was fellow Timorese alone who had attacked them; to see families displaced, and to know that this time their fear was of their own countrymen; to see Australian troops back on the streets, and to know that this time they were protecting against violence which had no external direction. When I reported back to the UN Security Council in New York, there was dismay at the apparent failure of a UN peace-building operation previously hailed as a success. Was independent Timor-Leste already a failed state?
My message to the international community then was that Timor-Leste was not a failed state: it was a young state, and the tragic events of 2006 could yet prove a wake-up call to its divided leadership. My next visit was when I was privileged to represent Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon at the celebration of the tenth anniversary of the Popular Consultation on 30 August 2009. Already then, I found that the commitment of all Timorese leaders to avoid another 2006 was real, and that they were determined that differences should be resolved through the democratic process. In 2012, I not only hope but believe that this is the case. The UN’s commitment to East Timor in 1999 was that its people should enjoy the internationally-recognised right to self-determination. I trust that the will of a remarkable people shall be fairly expressed and respected in 2012, and in peaceful years ahead.
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