segunda-feira, 19 de dezembro de 2011

STL: Kandidatutura PR 2012-207, CNRT Desidi Liu Husi Desizaun Nasional

Segunda, 19 Dezembru 2011 - 16:39:17 OTL
Posting Husi : Josefa Parada


DILI- kandidatura Prezidente Republika ba periode 2012 to’o 2017, partidu Konseilu Nasional Rekonstrusaun Timorense (CNRT)  sei disidi liu husi desizazaun nasional nebe mak sei diskuti kona ba plataforma no politika kandidatu nian.

Sekretariu Jeral Partidu CNRT, Dionisio Babo hatete kadidatura prezidente husi partidu CNRT nian fulan oin, iha loron 7 ka 8 Janeiru sei iha konferensia nasional ida nebe halibur ema husi teritoria tomak mak foin deside CNRT nian kandidatura.

“ Ami sei diskuti kona ba plataforma no desidi se mak partidu CNRT fo apoiu ka la apoiu, ne’e desizaiun politika tenki fo sai husi desizaun nasional laos prezidente partidu no laos sekretario jeral mak desidi,” dehan Babo ba STL hafoin konsolidasaun Partidu Sabadu (17/12) iha Beto Comoro.

Nia hatutan, Iha ema balun nebe mak agora naran boot teb-tebes, ema sira ne’e mesak timor oan deit mesak asuwain nebe sira nia nasionalista ba rai ida ne’e la kestiona sira ne’e hotu merese fo apoiu.

Iha fatin hanesan Militante Agustinho Soares hatete, nudar militante sempre fo apoiu ba se deit mak atu sai kandidatura ba prezidente tinan lima mai, nebe mak desidi husi ulun boot partidu CNRT nian, tamba atu ukun nasaun tenki iha apoiu husi povu. Informasaun kompletu iha STL Jornal no STL web, edisaun Tersa (20/12). Timotio Gusmão/Thomas Sanches

CNRT Prepara Hasoru Elisaun 2012

Segunda, 19 Dezembru 2011 - 16:42:43 OTL
Posting Husi : Josefa Parada



DILI-Deputadu bankada CNRT, Araõ Noe hateten, Oras ne’e partidu Conselu Nasional Rekonstrusaun Timorense (CNRT)  prepara   ona  hasoru elisaun jeral 2012.

CNRT katak Arao agora preparadu atu compete iha elisaun jeral, tanba sira halao ona konsolidasaun iha suku no aldeia. Tanba ne’e  iha elisaun sira pronto atu compete ho partidu nebe’e deit.

“Ami prontu atu compete ho partidu nebe’e deit iha elisaun, mais compete ho diqnidade liu husi votu,” hateten deputadu Araõ ba STL iha uma fukun  PN.

Entertantu Xefi Bankada PD, Deputadu Adriano do Nascimento, hateten partidu PD mos oras ne’e prepara hela ba elisaun jeral 2012. Nia mos fiar katak PD sei hetan asentu bo’ot iha nasaun ne’e.

Deputadu husi bancada Fretilin, Joaquim Amaral, atu ukun ka mana ou la manan iha elisaun mai, depende ba povu. Partidu hotu bele dehan sira prontu, maibe povu mak sei deside. Informasaun kompletu iha STL Jornal no STL web, edisaun Tersa (20/12). Jasinta Sequeira

TE: Konfrontu entre joven sira iha Díli halo ema na´in-rua mate nó ida seluk hetan kanek

20 de Dezembro de 2011, 09:02
 
Ema na´in-rua mate nó ida seluk hetan kanek todan iha konfrontu entre grupu joven rua, ne´ebé besik ponte Komoro, iha Domingu foin lalai ne´e, 18 fulan Dezembru, informa ajénsia PNN.

Tuir fonte anónima, membru sira husi grupu ida mak artes marsiais ne´ebé ba iha Díli, sira ne´e mak mai husi distritu seluk, atu sira partisipa iha serimónia graduasaun husi grupu seluk ida ne´ebé ne´ebé la identifika, sira ne´e envolve iha konflitu, ne´ebé hahú iha loron Sábadu foin lalais ne´e, loron 17 fulan Dezembru.

Tuir ajénsia PNN, hafoin iha serimónia remata, iha jovem barak mak pertensente iha grupu balun ne´ebé tuda fatuk ba ema sira ne´ebé hala´o artes marsiais, ne´ebé sira liu husi estrada Komoro, besik merkadu.

Joven sira ne´ebé halo ataka hamutuk ho distritu sira seluk, ne´ebé hafoin hasoru malu iha ponte Komoro, sira hahú hala´o retaliasaun id iha loron Domingu, 18 fulan Dezembru.

Husi konfrontu sira ne´ebé fó nia rezultadu ema ida mate nó na´in rua kanek todan, lori ona ba Hospital Guido Valadares, iha Díli, hodi hetan tratamentu. Ida seluk la aguenta nó konesege mate.

«Konflitu ne´ebé hahú mosu tanba joven sira husi distritu sira seluk ne´ebé mai iha Díli, hodi halo serimónia ida maibé, wainhira sira hetan hikas fali, iha finál, membru sira husi grupu ida mak la identifika ne´ebé tuda fatuk, besik iha merkadu Komoro», explika fonte ne´e.

Ema sira ne´ebé hela iha ne´e haktuir katak sira rona ema tiru kilat iha dadersan iha loron Segunda-feira, 19 fulan Dezembru.

Autoridade sira taka postu ho kontrolu ne´ebé kria husi joven sira ne´ebé la identifika, nó hodi sira fó seguransa ba zona ne´e.

Iha loja barak husi merkadu Komoro nian taka iha loron Domingu.

SAPO TL ho PNN Portuguese News Network

FH: Partidos Políticos, democracia e paz


Husi: Agio Pereira*

O Presidente da República, Dr. José Ramos-Horta, apela aos eleitores Timorenses para terem consciência do valor do voto. Uma forma de valorizar o voto, diz o Presidente, é votar nos partidos grandes (vota ba partido bo’ot sira, labele estraga imi nia voto); não desperdiçar o seu voto nos partidos pequenos.

É um apelo que se dirige à responsabilidade do acto de votar. Este apelo dá, contudo, inúmeras oportunidades aos críticos do Presidente da República para apresentarem contra-argumentos. Primeiro, está em causa o princípio da liberdade de escolher, pois, cada votante Timorense tem o direito de votar em quem entender. Segundo, questiona-se o princípio da confiança. O votante poderá não querer dar o seu voto a um partido que não é merecedor da sua confiança. Terceiro, o princípio básico da democracia de que os partidos políticos são os instrumentos políticos da democracia e uma vez registados, podem e devem participar no processo de debate público sobre o futuro do país; e de se submeterem a eleições nacionais para serem julgados pelos votantes em pé de igualdade com todos os outros partidos políticos do Estado. Todos estes princípios derivam do estatuto de cidadão. No âmbito geral e, em particular tal como a Constituição da RDTL determina, “A Cidadania é, simultaneamente, um status e o direito de participar na vida jurídica e política que o Estado propicia e de beneficiar da defesa e da promoção de direitos que o Estado concede”.[1]

Duas perguntas pertinentes se formulam. Será que é um dever de cidadania votar só nos partidos grandes? E, votar nos partidos pequenos significa desperdiçar o voto?
Recentemente, no final de um dia de longo debate no Parlamento Nacional, o Presidente do Parlamento, Fernando La Sama, observou aos seus colegas deputados que está a ponderar a criação de uma organização não-governamental, só para promover os ‘deveres’ dos cidadãos. Reflectindo a preocupação do Presidente da República, o Presidente do Parlamento pareceu expressar a sua inquietação com demasiadas exigências dos direitos, mas com os deveres, ninguém se preocupa.

Esta reflexão sobre os deveres do cidadão para com o seu país, registou-se na história com o discurso da Tomada de Posse do Presidente J. F. Kennedy, no qual apelou aos seus compatriotas Americanos para não se preocuparem com o que América poderá fazer por eles; antes pelo contrário, devem preocupar-se com o que cada um deles poderá fazer para a América. Um apelo patriótico, de um Presidente que teve que lidar com algumas das experiências mais difíceis da História da Humanidade, incluindo os riscos enormes de guerra nuclear que poderá destruir o mundo, tal como muito bem denunciado no filme de 1983 ‘The Day After’ (O Dia Seguinte)[2] sobre uma possível guerra final entre a União Soviética e os Estados Unidos. Neste filme, com a detonação de várias ogivas nucleares, provava-se que numa guerra nuclear é impossível distinguir entre vitoriosos e derrotados/(vencidos e vencedores). E, foi este filme que instigou o Presidente Ronald Reagan a estender a mão ao seu homólogo Presidente Soviético Mikhael Gorbachev e pôr fim a décadas de desconfiança mútua entre as duas superpotências; um gesto que, para muitos, foi o verdadeiro início do fim de Guerra Fria. Os cidadãos que ocupam os cargos de mais alto nível, sobretudo os dos Estados mais poderosos, detêm também a responsabilidade de salvar o mundo.

A liberdade de escolher

É comum ver nos estatutos de organizações políticas o princípio do direito de votar bem como o dever de votar. Mas estes princípios frequentemente criam confusão até para peritos em leis, porque o direito de votar não se traduz no direito de não votar, mas sim no dever de votar. Uma das razões subjacentes é simplesmente a de contribuir para reforçar a legitimidade dos que acabam por ganhar a maioria dos votos. Por esta mesma razão, que o Presidente da República Dr. Ramos-Horta urge, é que os cidadãos timorenses não devem de usar este direito de votar para contribuírem com votos nulos e minimizarem o resultado prático imprescindível ao desenvolvimento saudável da jovem democracia timorense. Esta preocupação justifica-se porque se os votantes não tiverem a consciência (não consciencializarem a necessidade) da necessidade de assegurar, pelo menos, um partido político com a maioria absoluta de votos para, assim, garantir, a estabilidade legislativa do país e, possivelmente, também a estabilidade governativa, todo o processo da organização das eleições acaba por não resultar na tão desejada estabilidade política nacional.

O direito do cidadão á liberdade de escolha deve ser, nesta órbita de pensar, equilibrado com o seu dever de escolher com o objectivo de contribuir para o bem do seu país. Assim sendo e voltando ao Presidente Kennedy, a responsabilidade do cidadão votante é de não se preocupar com o que o seu país poderá fazer por ele, mas sim com o que ele poderá fazer para o seu país. Por conseguinte, votar nos partidos grandes poderá ser visto como um acto de responsabilidade pertinente à salvaguarda da estabilidade nacional. Tal requer que os votantes exerçam o seu direito de votar com uma atitude positiva, autoconfiante e com confiança no futuro.

Tal como o Presidente da República Ramos-Horta, o Presidente do Parlamento Nacional, Fernando La Sama de Araújo, também reflectindo J. F. Kennedy, apelou aos seus compatriotas cidadãos para se focarem mais nas suas responsabilidades. Este apelo detém enorme relevo político para as eleições de 2012 por vários motivos.

Primeiro, porque uma das opções dos cidadãos é a de votar com um voto em branco, contribuindo para o aumento dos votos nulos. Por isso deve-se ter em conta que o acto de escolher livremente é um direito fundamental de cidadania; mas escolher com a devida responsabilidade é o seu respectivo dever. Este dever é muito mais importante que o direito. Escolher com responsabilidade é ter em conta o impacto do voto no futuro do país. Um só voto poderá ser concebido como ‘irrelevante’, mas quando se tem em conta que não há oceanos sem gotas de água, o meu voto torna-se imprescindível ao bem-estar comum do meu país.

Segundo, reside no dever cívico de dar bom exemplo de cidadania. O acto de votar é um dever cívico singular, exercido frequentemente nos processos democráticos mas, sobretudo, nas eleições de envergadura nacional reveste-se de um valor primordial: o de contribuir para o rumo que o meu país deve seguir, a fim de garantir desenvolvimento equitativo e social sustentáveis. Em última análise, o cidadão deve estar ciente de que votar é parte dos seus direitos fundamentais, “tidos por inerentes à participação na soberania do Estado ou no núcleo essencial da identidade do Estado”[3], incluindo “o de tomar parte na direcção dos negócios públicos, directamente ou por intermédio de representantes livremente eleitos, de votar e de ser eleito, em eleições periódicas, e o de aceder, em condições gerais de igualdade, às funções públicas”[4] do país.

Apelar aos votantes para darem os seus votos aos partidos políticos grandes é um gesto político; um apelo á consciência dos compatriotas, um dever dos líderes. Contudo, os votantes detêm o poder de decidir. Terão que decidir entre partidos políticos grandes e partidos políticos bons. Aqui reside a consciência do votante. Na história da democracia, partidos grandes podem desaparecer e partidos pequenos podem crescer. A história de democracia também demonstra que partidos pequenos podem desaparecer. Uma das razões principais é a mudança radical da conjuntura política que, no passado favorecia a moldura política de um partido, mas no presente, a contraria. Por conseguinte, a diferença reside entre partidos bons e partidos que não prestam para um contexto político, no qual o país precisa de partidos políticos que sabem gerir o presente para garantir sucesso no futuro. Para o efeito, os votantes terão que ter acesso à informação fidedigna; necessitarão de entender bem as ideias que os líderes partidários querem transmitir para os convencer. Sobretudo, para os convencer que este partido é bom para o país porque tem bom programa, boa liderança e boa equipa para assumir devidamente as responsabilidades de governação. Para o votante é muito mais fácil se conseguir acreditar que existe, pelo menos, um partido grande e bom para governar e assegurar o futuro do seu país. O seu voto terá mais valor quando decidir votar por este partido com as qualidades necessárias. Na realidade, porem, o número de votantes indecisos constitui uma percentagem elevada e, em certos casos, a direcção dos votos da maioria dos indecisos poderá determinar o futuro do país. Na véspera da auto-demissão do primeiro-ministro Durão Barroso para assumir o cargo de presidente da Comissão Europeia, em Junho de 2004, o líder e fundador do CDS, Freitas do Amaral, escreveu uma carta aberta ao Presidente da República Jorge Sampaio pedindo para que “dissolva a Assembleia da República e convoque eleições gerais”, de forma a não converter “a democracia em 'partidocracia’”.[5] Esta exigência reflecte as preocupações de não colocar os interesses partidários acima dos interesses nacionais; obsessão com poder partidário e défice de boas políticas para salvaguardar o interesse nacional. Tais preocupações são elementos que podem favorecer a”partidocracia”, embora para Freitas de Amaral a preocupação era o contraste entre sete milhões de votantes que elegeram o Durão Barroso, contra setenta dirigentes de um partido a decidirem pelo seu sucessor.[6] Neste contexto, os votantes terão que entender quais são os interesses que constituem interesse nacional e quais são os interesses que constituem meramente o interesse partidário.

Votar nos partidos pequenos significa desperdiçar o meu voto?

– Partidos pequenos normalmente jogam com a política de agenda única. Ao promover esta agenda, facilmente caem no palco da política emocional. Contudo, a política emocional poderá cativar os votantes indecisos, sobretudo a camada de votantes frustrada com os partidos grandes por estes terem traído as suas filosofias originais ou terem governado com o que é entendido como governação irresponsável. Nos Estados desenvolvidos, pode-se dizer que a maioria dos votantes decide com base em benefícios derivados dos impostos, juros bancários e emprego. Em suma, os benefícios económicos e financeiros determinam a atribuição do voto. Nos países em desenvolvimento, todos estes factores também são relevantes, mas ainda mais relevante serão os factores que providenciam a segurança do país e da população nas zonas isoladas, incluindo infra-estruturas tais como estradas e pontes, electricidade e água e as oportunidades de criar pequenos e médios negócios e emprego. Neste contexto, as exigências aos partidos grandes nos países em desenvolvimento são enormes. Nos países desenvolvidos, as exigências não serão pesadas porque em termos de infra-estruturas e todas as outras necessidades pertinentes à estabilidade e segurança nacionais já não constituem prioridades determinantes à boa governação. É, pois, caso para argumentar que num país em desenvolvimento, sobretudo no contexto pós-conflito, votar nos partidos pequenos significa desperdiçar o meu voto.

Por fim, onde reside a paz nacional?
O voto nas eleições nacionais necessariamente contribui para a paz da nação. A escolha em si, é um acto de resolução de conflitos sob a perspectiva de prevenção. A democracia é a arte de compromisso político e a escolha livre e pacífica nutre o ambiente mais propício para o reforço da paz nacional. Os mecanismos constitucionais pertinentes à formação de governos não só permitem a necessária flexibilidade para constituir governos em situações pós-eleitorais difíceis, como também são a garantia de limitações do jogo do poder no âmbito da política de Estado. Na tomada de posse da seu primeiro mandato presidencial, na Assembleia da República, Presidente Cavaco e Silva reiterou a necessidade de não confundirmos estabilidade com a falta de actividade. A paz também não deve ser confundida com ausência de conflitos, porque desde que os conflitos não gerem violência extrema e mortes, podem contribuir para regular o ambiente da paz. Conflitos, regem os peritos, são oportunidades de clarificação de normas. O processo de clarificação de normas, sobretudo em regimes democráticos ainda frágeis, é vital para a consolidação da vivencia democrática.

Em suma, no contexto de Timor-Leste, votar nos partidos grandes simplesmente significa votar nos partidos que na eleição legislativa de Junho de 2007 foram os mais votados, ou sejam, a Fretilin e o CNRT. Se adoptarmos uma maior flexibilidade no conceito de ‘partidos grandes’, poderemos incluir também o PD.

Em última análise, o conceito de ‘partidos grandes’ poderá significar os partidos mais bem estabelecidos organizacionalmente. A Fretilin, o CNRT, bem como o PD, merecem tais atributos.

Em última análise, o povo se tiver que escolher entre incertezas políticas e a paz, a opção será a favor da paz no país para todos poderem viver em harmonia. Votar nos partidos melhor estabelecidos e já com maior probabilidade de conseguir maioria absoluta, ainda é uma luta para vencer. Uma luta para os votantes, bem como uma luta para os partidos políticos, porque cabe a estes convencer os eleitores de que merecem a sua confiança e o seu voto. Viver em paz, como diz o velho ditado, é um direito, mas é um direito que não se compra, conquista-se.

Agio Pereira
Díli, Dezembro 2011


[1] Constituição Anotada da República Democrática de Timor-Leste, 2011, p. 25
[2] Pode-se ver através de http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oxidQ0OhP8E
[3] Constituição Anotada da República Democrática de Timor-Leste, 2011, p. 27
[4] Idem
[5] “Freitas pede eleições em carta aberta a Sampaio”, TSF, 29.06.2004
www.tsf.pt/Common/print.aspx?content_id=769038
[6] Idem

*Em excluviso ao Forum Haksesuk!

quarta-feira, 14 de dezembro de 2011

Xanana di Persimpangan Jalan Antara Para Kandidat PR-TL

NB: (Artigo ne ost iha forum Propaganda PD nian "forum haksesuk").


Oleh: Armindo “Mauk-Sun” Guterres

Beberapa bulan lagi Timor-Leste akan menyelenggarakan pemilihan Presiden Republik. Para kandidat sudah mulai bermunculan. Beberapa diantaranya, secara resmi, sudah mengumumkan pencalonannya. Ada yang dicalonkan oleh partai politik dan ada yang mencalonkan diri secara independen. Ada pula yang belum mengumumkan pencalonannya secara resmi, masih menunggu saat yang tepat atau masih mencari dukungan.

Dalam artikel ini, penulis tidak akan membahas satu persatu para kandidat yang telah mencalonkan diri secara resmi, tetapi hanya membahas para kandidat yang diperkirakan berpotensi untuk terpilih menjadi presiden republik untuk periode 5 tahun mendatang dan kandidat-kandidat yang diperkirakan mendapat dukungan dari Xanana Gusmão. Ada tiga nama yang disebut-sebut sebagai kuda tempurnya Xanana Gusmão yakni mantan Panglima F-FDTL, Taur Matan Ruak, Ketua Parlamen Nasional, Fernando La Sama de Araujo dan Wakil Perdana Menteri, Jose Luis Guterres (Lugu). Lugu belum mengumumkan pencalonannya secara resmi karena masih menghitung-hitung kekuatannya atau masih menunggu lawan-lawannya seperti Lu Olo dan Ramos Horta maju baru beliau pun akan maju. Bila Ramos Horta dan Lu Olo tidak maju maka, kemungkinan, Lugu pun tidak akan maju.

Lu Olo dan Ramos Horta belum mengumumkan secara resmi pencalonannya. Lu Olo sudah mendapat dukungan penuh dari partai FRETILIN, tetapi beliau belum berani melangkah ke depan, masih miminta waktu untuk merenungkan.

Mengapa Lu Olo meminta waktu untuk merenungkan sementara partai sudah memberikan dukungan total kepadanya? Ada lima kemungkinan yang membuat Lu Olo masih pikir-pikir, pertama, tidak mau kalah untuk kedua kalinya, kedua Lu Olo dan Mari Alkatiri ingin membujuk Taur Matan Ruak untuk mencalonkan diri atas nama FRETILIN, ketiga jika Taur menolak mencalonkan diri atas nama FRETILIN maka partai ini bisa saja akan mendukung Rogerio Lobato atau kandidat lain, asalkan bersedia membawa bendera FRETILIN, keempat, jika tidak menemukan calon yang kuat dan tepat maka FRETILIN tidak akan mendukung salah satu kandidat pun dan akan memberikan kebebasan kepada militannya untuk bebas memilih para kandidat sesuai dengan hati nuraninya. Kemungkinan yang terakhir ini mempunyai dua target, pertama membuka jalan bagi Taur Matan Ruak untuk memenangkan pemilihan presiden pada putaran pertama, sebab pada pemilihan putaran kedua akan lebih berat bagi Taur dan kedua, menciptakan kondisi bagi pembentukkan sebuah pemerintahan koalisi FRETILIN dengan CNRT atau dengan PD atau ketiganya bersama membentuk sebuah pemerintahan bersama.

Sementara Ramos Horta belum mengumumkan pencalonannya. Tampaknya masih menunggu FRETILIN dan CNRT, apakah kedua partai itu maju dengan kandidatnya atau tidak. Jika FRETILIN dan CNRT tidak punya kandidat resmi atau salah satu dari kedua partai tidak punya kandidat, dan memberi kebebasan kepada para anggotanya untuk bebas mimilih maka kemungkinan besar Ramos Horta akan tampil sebab hanya dengan kondisi ini memungkinan bagi Ramos Horta untuk meraih suara. Tetapi bila tidak ada dukungan dari Gereja atau dari Xanana atau dari Fretilin, kemungkinan Horta pun tidak akan mencalonkan diri sebab beliau tidak mau kalah dengan kandidat-kandidat lain yang bukan “sekelasnya”.

Sebenarnya PM Xanana Gusmão masih menginginkan Ramos Horta sebagai Presiden RDTL, tetapi tindak-tanduk Ramos Horta selama 4 tahun terakhir ini telah membuat pusing Xanana Gusmão karena kesalapahaman antara keduanya dalam hal-hal tertenu. Bila Ramos Horta terpilih lagi maka Xanana akan menjadi bulan-bulan sebab pada mandat terakhirnya Ramos Horta merasa lebih bebas dan tidak akan “kehilangan apa-apa”. Disinilah Ramos Horta bisa melakukan pembalasan politik terhadap Xanana. Akan terus menerus mengkritik atau menekan Xanana dan pemerintahnya untuk mengikuti kemauannya atau memveto segala politik pemerintah.

Bagaimana pun kita tetap memperhitungkan kekuatan Ramos Horta, bila beliau memutuskan untuk mencalonkan diri kembali. Bukan saja karena faktor incumbent atau masih memegang jabatan sebagai president RDTL, tetapi juga karena beliau dikenal luas oleh rakyat Timor-Leste dan merupakan salah satu tokoh dunia. Bila Ramos Horta benar-benar tampil maka beliau akan bersaing ketat dengan La Sama dan Taur Matan Ruak. Yang akan keluar sebagai pemenang adalah kandidat yang mempunyai ikatan emosional lebih kuat dengan para pemilih atau yang mampu menawarkan program-program yang benar-benar menjawab kepentingan rakyat. Tetapi jangan lupa, di Timor-Leste, para pemilih kebanyakan tidak peduli dengan program, mereka lebih memilih figur yang mereka kenal, entah itu karena pejuang atau karena berasal dari kelompok etnis mereka. Ramos Horta, La Sama dan Taur Matan Ruak, ketiga-tiganya sama-sama figur dari Resistência. Horta mewakili generasi tua dari front diplomatik, Taur mewakili front bersejata dan La Sama mewakili generasi muda dari front klandestin.

Jika Ramos Horta mencalonkan diri kembali untuk presiden RDTL, kali ini, beliau benar-benar akan mendapat banyak tantangan. Bukan saja kandidat lain seperti La Sama dan Taur Matan Ruak juga adalah calon-calon kuat tetapi juga partai-partai politik yang pernah mendukung Ramos Horta pada pemilihan presiden tahun 2007, semuanya, telah meninggalkan beliau, termasuk Xanana sendiri.

Hubungan Xanana dengan Ramos Horta, sekarang, bagaikan kucing dan tikus. Xanana mencari kandidat yang tepat untuk melumat Ramos Horta dan Ramos Horta mencari celah-celah untuk menyelamatkan diri agar tetap survive secara politik. Bukan saja Ramos Horta yang akan diburu oleh Xanana tetapi juga Lu Olo bila presiden FRETILIN ini mencalonkan diri. Lu Olo sadar akan hal ini, oleh karena itu, walau didorong oleh partainya, tetapi beliau tidak berani untuk maju.

Yang menjadi pertanyaan sekarang adalah siapa yang menjadi kucing pemburu utama Xanana untuk melumat Ramos Horta? Ada tiga nama yang disebut-sebut sebagai orang kepercayaan Xanana. Ketiganya adalah Taur Matan Ruak, La Sama dan Jose Luis Guterres (Lugu). Ketiganya sama-sama bagus dan berpotensi sehingga membuat Xanana juga jadi pusing dan binggung untuk menjatuhkan pilihannya. Ketiganya membuat Xanana bagaikan ada dipersimpangan jalan, tidak tahu mana yang harus dipilihnya. Mimilih satu akan mengecewakan yang lain. Kekecewan bisa berpengaruh kepada langkah-langkah politik kedepan dan bisa juga membawa dampak yang negatif bagi Xanana.

Yang harus diperhitungkan oleh Xanana adalah bukan pemilihan presiden saja yang harus dimenangkan tetapi juga bagaimana harus kembali memerintah dan menjabat sebagai Perdana Menteri. Dengan perhitungan ini, menurut penulis, La Sama dan Jose Luis Guterres yang seharusnya menjadi taruhannya karena mereka mewakili partai politik, sementara Taur Matan Ruak tidak punya partai walaupun punya pendukung. Tetapi bila Xanana mengambil satu sikap yang benar-benar netral, artinya tidak mendukung Taur secara terbuka atau diam-diam, peluang bagi Taur untuk menang pun tipis sekali.

Pemilihan presiden dan parlamen juga ada kaitan satu dengan yang lain. Dalam pemilihan presiden akan kita melihat siapa mendukung siapa akan ikut menentukan juga sebuah pemerintahan koalisi di massa depan. Banyak pihak yakin bahwa dalam pemilihan parlamen tahun depan tak akan ada satu partaipun akan menang dengan maioritas mutlak kecuali ada manipulasi dan lain-lain, sebab belum ada sesuatu yang luar bisa baik dari AMP maupun dari oposisi yang dapat meyakinkan rakyat sehingga mereka bisa meraih suara yang besar.

Ada indikasi CNRT lebih condong ke Taur Matan Ruak, tetapi mereka juga harus berhati-hati karena mereka juga masih ingin memerintah. Perhitungan rasional bila ingin mengamankan pembentukan sebuah pemeritahan koalisi maka dukungan Xanana dan CNRT kepada La Sama adalah lebih rasional, sebab kekuatan PD adalah nyata, mereka mempunyai 8 wakil de Parlamen Nasional dan pada Kongres Nasional ke II, PD mampu menggerakan 7.000 orang lebih ke GMT. Diperkirakan suara PD akan bertambah dan akan sangat menentukan pembentukkan sebuah pemerintah koalisi. Sementara kekuatan FRENTI-Mudansa belum di ketahui apalagi beberapa anggota Parlamen dari FRETI-Mudansa sudah menyeberang ke CNRT. Sementara Taur Matan Ruak tidak menjamim apa-apa karena beliau tidak punya partai. Dalam politik bila kita mendukung sesuatu harus ada imbalan, dalam hal ini mendukung Taur Matan Ruak tidak ada imbalan sama sekali. Tidak ada imbalan karena, umpamanya, bila dalam pemilihan parlamen tahun depan, CNRT meraih 23 kursi di Parlamen, partai ini tidak dapat membentuk sebuah pemerintahan sendiri, ia harus membutuhkan partai lain supaya bisa mendapat maioritas di parlamen baru dapat membentuk sebuah pemerintahan. Taur tidak dapat menyumbang apa-apa karena tidak akan punya kursi di parlamen karena tidak punya partai. Tetapi PD bisa memfasilitasi CNRT untuk membentuk pemerintah karena ada kursi di parlamen.

Jadi Xanana harus pandai-pandai bermain, bila salah maka bola yang sudah ada ditangan bisa lepas. Artinya bila Xanana dan CNRT memberikan dukungannya kepada Taur Matan Ruak maka itu dapat dibaca sebagai ketidaksaling kepercayaan sehingga akan mempersulit pembentukkan sebuah pemerintahan koalisi di massa depan. Kecuali Xanana dan CNRT sudah siap untuk membentuk sebuah pemerintahan koalisi bersama FRETILIN. Yang menjadi masalah adalah Xanana dan Mari Alkatiri tidak mau saling mengalah dan sama-sama ingin menjadi Perdana Menteri. Sementara PD telah membuka pintu untuk berkoalisi dengan siapa saja yang mereka bisa percaya. La Sama sangat jelas dalam pidatonya setelah terpilih kembali sebagai presiden PD pada Kongres PD ke-II yang baru berlalu:

“... Partido Demokratika tenki aposta maka’as iha dialogo no loke ninian kanal komunikasaun ba partidu politiku hotu-hotu. Iha politika la iha buat ida “ha’u la sei fila mai hemu be ida ne’e”, buat ne’ebé iha maka ita fihir dalan hothotu no hili dalan ne’ebé di’ak liu hodi ita tuir hodi serbi Nasaun ho Povo. Nakloke an no halo dialogo ho ema hotu no partido politiku hothotu halo parte prinsipius demokrasia nian ne’ebé ita defende.
Ini merupakan pesan politik kepada CNRT dan FRETILIN, PD terbuka untuk membentuk pemerintahan koalisi dengan siapa saja, masalah 2007 adalah bagian dari massa lalu, sekarang harus melihat kedepan dengan pikiran dan harapan baru.

Jalan terbaik bagi CNRT dan FRETILIN adalah, bila tidak punya kader atau militan partainya yang mencalonkan diri jadi presiden, adalah lebih baik tidak mendukung kandidat indepen di luar partainya. Artinya memberikan kebebasan kepada anggota partainya untuk bebas memilih sesuai dengan hati nuraninya, dengan demikian tetap membiarkan pintu terbuka bagi pembentukan sebuah pemerintahan koalisi.

Lugu belum mencalonkan diri secara resmi. Seandainya kalau mau maju juga, peluang bagi Lugu untuk terpilih menjadi presiden RDTL bukan tidak mungkin tetapi sangat tipis, sebab FRENTI-Mudansa belum kuat. Menurut sumber-sumber dari CNRT bahwa Xanana lebih condong kepada Taur Matan Ruak da La Sama. Kedua kandidat ini sama-sama mempunyai potensi untuk terpilih menjadi presiden. Keduanyapun adalah sama-sama teman seperjuangan Xanana Gusmão. Taur adalah teman seperjuangan bersenjata Xanana di hutan sementara La Sama adalah teman seperjuangan politik Xanana di penjara di Cipinang, sangat disiplin dan taat kepada Xanana dalam massa-massa perjuangan pembebasan Timor-Leste seperti dilukiskan sendiri oleh almarhum Komandan Konis Santana dalam suratnya tertanggal 1995, kepada Komandante Xanana Gusmão: .... o La Sama é um compamheiro muito disciplinado tal como o é o JFC [João Freitas da Camara yang juga adalah anggota PD] e eles sempre Lhe foram obidientes”.

Sejak Taur meninggalkan F-FDTL dan mempersiapkan diri untuk mencalonkan diri jadi presiden, banyak pihak menerimanya dengan antusiasme. Tetapi setelah beliau secara resmi mengumumkan pencalonannya dan pernyataan-pernyataan yang dikeluarkannya sangat mengecewakan banyak pihak sehingga telah membuat banyak orang mulai ragu kepadanya. Apalagi beliau mengatakan partainya adalah “veteran” maka orang-orang non veteran mulai ragu kepadanya sebab beliau hanya ingin mengutamakan para veteran tetapi orang yang non veteran yang merupakan juga warga negara Timor-Leste akan menjadi warga negara kelas dua. Ada yang berkomentar bahwa kalau Taur sekedar hanya ingin memperbaiki kehidupan para veteran maka akan lebih tepat menjadi Menteri atau Sekretaris Negara Urusan Veteran, sebab tugas dari seorang presiden republik bukan mengurus kepentingan satu kelompok saja, tetapi harus memberikan perhatian yang sama kepada semua warga-negaranya.

Para veteran yang kritispun tidak setuju dengan usaha-usaha untuk mengeksploitasi para veteran demi ambisi pribadi sebab mereka tidak ingin nama para veteran menjadi rusak dan kehilangan kepercayaan dan wibawa di mata rakyat. La Sama mungkin benar ketika beliau mengatakan bahwa veteran adalah asset negara dan menjadi milik semua rakyat Timor-Leste. Pernyataan La Sama ini sebenarnya menempatkan para veteran di satu tempat khusus agar mereka akan terus dihargai dan dihormati sepanjang massa. Sebab bila seseorang memperalat para veteran demi kepentingan ambisi pribadinya akan merusak sendiri nama para veteran sebagai satu institusi. Disinilah perbedaan La Sama dan Taur. Alasan La Sama ini mungkin berdasarkan pada pengalaman Xanana Gusmão sendiri. Sebelumnya Xanana sangat dihargai, dihormati dan disegani oleh semua pihak, tetapi pada saat beliau mendirikan CNRT dan menjadi presiden CNRT maka orang mulai memaki-makinya dan tidak mau mendengarnya lagi karena beliau sudah mengidentifikasi dirinya dengan satu kelompok atau satu partai. Sama seperti juga para veteran, sekarang dipakai oleh kandidat tertentu, maka mereka akan kehilangan kepercayaan dan hormat. Sebagai pribadi sah-sah saja mendukung siapa saja, tetapi mengatasnamakan veteran untuk mendukung satu kandidat akan merusak kredibilitas para veteran sendiri. Seharusnya kredibilitas para veteran harus dijaga agar tetap di hormati dan setiap intervensinya seharusnya berorientasi kepada mempersatukan semua rakyat Timor-Leste, bukan mengkotak-kotakkan.

Harus diakui bahwa Xanana benar-benar binggung, oleh karena itu, beliau tidak tergesa-gesa mengambil keputusan untuk mendukung Taur, La Sama atau Lugu tetapi, menyerahkan keputusan kepada Konferensi Nasional CNRT yang akan diadakan pada bulan Januari tahun depan. Semula Taur adalah pilihan utama Xanana, walaupun tidak secara terbuka Xanana mendukung pencalonannya. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari para pengurus CNRT giat melakukan lobby-lobby untuk Taur, tetapi akhir-akhir ini Xanana juga tampaknya mulai khawatir karena Taur bukan saja mudah terprovokasi tetapi kurang peka terhadap masalah persatuan dan mempunyai pandangan dan pikiran yang bisa dikatakan diskriminatif dan bertentagan dengan usaha-usaha Xanana yang selalu mengutamakan persatuan nasional dan rekonsiliasi.

Kehadiran Xanana Gusmão di hari terakhir Kongres Nasional PD yang ke-II, walaupun belum benar-benar pulih dari sakitnya dan mendapat sambutan luar biasa dari para peserta Kongres tentu mempunyai suatu makna. Semua ini tidak ada kebetulan, pasti ada pesan politik. Yang pertama mungkin Xanana tidak mau mengambil jarak dengan PD artinya tetap membutuhkan PD dan tetap ingin CNRT dan PD berkoalisi di massa depan. Dan yang terakhir dapat juga dibaca sebagai dukungan Xanana tidak langsung kepada La Sama untuk menjadi presiden RDTL sebab La Sama selalu tampil tenang, tidak mudah terprovokasi dan pikiran-pikrannya tidak berbeda jauh dengan Xanana yang ingin mempersatukan semua rakyat Timor-Leste tampa membeda-bedakan orang karena latar-belakang politik di massa lalu atau membedakan veteran dan non veteran walau beliau sendiri adalah seorang pejuang atau veteran.

Taur Matan Ruak mempunyai kelebihan-kelebihannya karena beliau adalah salah seorang mantan komandan FALINTIL. Tetapi karena terlalu lama berkecimpung dalam dunia militer, beliau tampaknya belum terbiasa dengan kritik-kritik, belum terbiasa dengan kehidupan orang sipil. Hal ini dapat dilihat dari reaksinya terhadap kekhawatiran Manuel Tilman yang berkaitan dengan pencalonan sebagai presiden RDTL:

“Ohin loron, ha’u la haree rai ida iha Ázia ne’e ezisti jeneral sira mak ukun, só iha de’it Birmánia nó Indonézia mak prezidente sira mesak ema jenerál de’it. Timor-Leste sei la halo tuir ezemplu ne’ebé mak jenerál ká eis-jenerál mak ukun nasaun ne’e…”

Taur bukannya menjawab kekhawatiran Manuel Tilman tetapi secara emosional dan dengan nada mengancam menjawab pernyataan Manuel Tilman:

Senhor Deputadu Tilman, hanesan deputadu Itenerante. Uluk nia deputadu Portugal nian, agora nia deputadu Timor, aban bainrua keta nia ba tan Macau ka Hongkong kariik. Nia familia iha liur, nia la konhece Timor, la konhece povu Timor, nia mos la konhece ha’u. Tan ida ne’e, nia ko’alia hanesan nee. Hau husu, para kuandu nia ko’alia, mai ko’alia ho hau. Du que nia ba koalia ho media.”

Seharusnya beliau langsung menjawab kekhawatiran Manuel Tilman untuk menyenangkan semua orang yang mempunyai pikiran yang sama seperti anggota Parlamen Nasional tersebut. Menunjukkan bahwa beliau adalah seorang demokrat sejati yang bisa memberi kenyamanan kepada semua warga negara Timor-Leste, tidak akan bertindak seperti para jendral di Birmania atau di Indonesia. Tetapi apa boleh dikata, Taur telah menjawab Manuel Tilman sesuai dengan emosi dan hati nuraninya dan membuat orang bertambah khawatir karena jawabannya mengandung nada ancaman. Hal ini sangat buruk bagi seorang calon presiden sebab orang akan berpikir, baru calon presiden saja sudah mulai mengancam apalagi sudah jadi presiden maka tidak akan ragu-ragu menggunakan kekuasaanya untuk menutup mulut para pengritiknya atau bertindak sewenang-wenang. Hal-hal semacam ini harus diperbaiki jika tidak maka akan dieksploitasi oleh kandidat-kandiat lain dan tidak akan membawa keuntungan bagi Taur.

Kekurangan lain dari Taur Matan Ruak adalah setelah mengumumkan secara resmi pencalonannya sebagai presiden RDTL, matan Panglima F-FDTL ini membuat suat pernyataan yang berbau diskriminatif bahwa: "Ita la’os beik, halo to’os hotu tiha, ita ba tuur hateke no lekirauk mak han”, artinya kita yang berjuang tetapi orang lain yang menikmatinya. Tetapi beliau lupa bahwa, Ramos Horta, La Sama, Xanana Gusmão, Lu Olo dan Mari Alkatiri pun adalah pejuang seperti dirinya. Mereka ini, ada yang sudah jadi mantan dan ada yang masih menjabat sebagai Presiden Republik, Presiden Parlamen dan Perdana Menteri. Mereka bukanlah orang-orang yang hanya tahu menikmati hasil perjuangan dari para veteran kemerdekaan, tetapi mereka juga adalah veteran dan pejuang sejati pembebasan Timor-Leste. Mereka juga menderita di hutan dan di penjara karena berjuang bagi kebebasan dan kemerdekaan Timor-Leste.

Bila pernyataan di atas ditujukkan kepada orang-orang yang selama massa perjuagan hidup di luar negeri pun tidak dapat dibenarkan. Di luar negeri, banyak aktivis kemerdekaan juga sering tidur di lantai, di terminal bis atau di lantai aeroport menahan rasa dingin yang menyusuk tulang kepala. Kadang makan sekali sehari. Semua ini hanya untuk satu tujuan, kemerdekaan bagi Timor-Leste.

Kita semua tahu bahwa perjuangan pembebasan Timor-Leste dibagi dalam tiga front, bersenjata, klandestin dan diplomatik. Mereka yang berjuang di front diplomatik ini yang melakukan lobby-lobby untuk mendapat dukungan dari negara lain atau menyuarakan suara rakyat Timor-Leste di forum-forum internasional. Tanpa mereka tak ada orang yang mendengar jeritan orang Timor-Leste atau mengetahui apa yang sedang terjadi di Timor-Leste atau apa yang diinginkan oleh rakyat Timor-Leste. Ramos Horta, Mari Alkatiri, Jose Luis Guterres, Roque Rodrigues dan lain-lain, mereka-mereka ini adalah pejuang, kita tidak boleh menginkari jasa mereka hanya karena sebuah ambisi politik.

Menyerang orang-orang mantan pro-otonomi pun tidak dapat dibenarkan, karena bagaimana pun mereka mimilih jadi warga-negara Timor-Leste dan hidup di tanah kelahirannya. Tugas dari seorang presiden adalah merangkul semua warga negara Timor-Leste buka mengkotak-kotakkan para warga-negara atau menciptakan diskriminasi antara veteran ba bukan veteran, pro-kemerdekaan dan pro-otonomi.

Adalah sebuah aib bila seorang presiden hanya memperhatikan para veteran sementara para non veteran diabaikan atau disingkirkan. Negara ini mau dibawa kemana kalau seorang pemimpin berpikir dan bertindak diskriminatif? Biarlah krisis 2006 yang merupakan hasil dari penkotak-kotakkan rakyat Timor-Leste dalam lorosa’e dan loromonu, pejuang dan bukan pejuang berlalu, jangan melakukan kesalahan yang sama untuk menciptakan krisis dan instabilitas. Sekarang adalah saatnya untuk merangkul atau mempersatukan semua orang Timor-Leste, bukan mengkotak-kotakkan orang Timor-Leste dari luar atau dari dalam, pro otonomi atau pro kemerdekaan. Para calon presiden seharusnya tidak berpikir diskriminatif.

Semula Taur sebagai harapan bagi sebagian besar rakyat Timor-Leste, karena beliau adalah seorang pejuang yang tidak dapat diragukan kemampuannya oleh siapapun. Sebagai seorang pejuang beliau sudah pasti mengerti apa arti dari sebuah kebebasan, kemerdekaan dan demokrasi. Dan beliau tahu bagaimana mempersatukan rakyat seperti di massa-massa perjuangan. Namun harapan-harapan ini mulai pudar karena pernyataan-pernyataannya tidak merefleksikan usaha untuk memperkokoh persatuan, menegakkan keadilan dan persamaan. Beliau seharusnya mengoreksi pernyataan-pernyataannya yang diskriminatif. Dan mengubah cara pendekatan, tunjukkan bahwa beliau benar-benar independen dan tidak mengkotak-kotakan rakyat. Kalau tidak akan sulit bagi beliau untuk bersaing dengan para kandidat lain yang lebih matang dalam politik dan mempunyai pandangan-pandangan politik yang lebih akomodatif, permersatu dan memberi kenyamanan kepada semua warga-negara Timor-Leste.

La Sama, walaupun jauh lebih muda dari Taur Matan Ruak, tetapi tampil lebih tenang, bisa mengendalikan emosinya, dan tidak mengkotak-kotakkan orang. Dalam pernyataannya selalu menyerukan persatuan antara rakyat Timor-Leste, menyebarkan pesona-pesona damai, demokrasi, kebebasan, toleransi, cinta-kasih dan pembangunan. Sebab beliau sadar bahwa pembangunan dan kemakmuran hanya dapat terwujud bila ada persatuan nasional. Persatuan rakyat saja pun belum cukup tetapi harus didukung dengan sebuah sistim demokrasi dimana menjunjung tinggi rasa saling menghormati dalam perbedaan-perbedaan. La Sama juga memegang teguh pada hukum sehingga selalu menyerukan kepada semua warga negara untuk menghormati hukum yang berlaku dan menempatakan rakyat, bangsa da negara di atas harga diri seorang pemimpin pun. Dalam pidatonya pada HUT PD ke-X, beliau menekankan:

Nu’udar estadu de direitu demokratiku ita tenki atua tuir lei ho firmeza. La iha fatin ho toleransia ba sira ne’ebé mak viola lei no sira ne’ebé mak uza violensia hanesan instrumentu hodi atinji sira-nia objektivu. Tamba ida ne’e mak iha tinan 2008 wainhira ha’u asume kargu nu’udar Prezidente da Republika interinu, atu defende dignidade no interesse nasional Estadu no povo ida ne’e nian, ho firmeza, ha’u hamutuk ho orgaun soberania sira seluk, hola desizaun ida ne’ebé ema barak kontra no hakanek sidadaun balun nia fuan, maibe ami tenki hola duni, mak harii Operasaun Konjunta, PNTL – F-FDTL, hodi normaliza no estabiliza hikas situasaun seguransa iha rai laran. Ida ne’e hatudu katak orgaun soberania sira Timor-Leste nian la’os halo esforsu de’it, maibe atua ho firme, solidu no koezu hodi buka solusaun ba problema todan ne’ebé nasaun hasoru.
Ita tenki konsiente katak dignidade no interese Estadu no povu nian aas liu kualker forsa politika ka lider politiku ida nian dignidade no interese. Tamba ne’e halo esforsu hotuhotu tenki orientadu ba dignifikasaun Estado no povu!
Dalam Kongres ke II PD pun beliau selalu mengulang-ulang nilai-nilai demokrasi yang dianutnya, persatuan, perdamaian, stabilitas, dialog, toleransi, saling menghormati, saling menyayangi dan lain-lain. Ini bukan pertama kali, hampir dalam setiap pidatonya, dimana saja, dalam konsolidasi partai PD beliau selalu membela nilai-nilai demokrasi itu. Pernyataan-pernyataanya betul-betul menunjukkan bahwa beliau adalah seorang negarawan dan mempunyai suatu sosok yang tepat untuk menjadi presiden. Dengan jelas La Sama menunjukkan dirinya sebagai seorang pemersatu ketika beliau mengatakan dalam pidatonya di hari terakhir Kongres PD ke II, 4 Desember 2011, bahwa:

“... iha tinan mai se povo Timor-Leste fo fiar mai hau sai Prezidente Republika, maka hau la sei sai presidente ba membru sira PD de’it, maibe sai presidenti ba Timor oan tomak nian, Presidente ba ema Maubere tomak, hosi lorosa’e to’o loromonu, hosi tasi feto to’o tasi mane, hosi Jaku to’o Oekuse, hodi hametin Unidade, estabilidade no dame, presidente ba veteranos no la veteranos sira, tamba sei deit mak moris iha Timor-Leste nudar sidadaun rai ida ne’e nian, hothotu iha direitu politiku, ekonomiku ho sosial hanesan.”

Pernyataan La Sama diatas benar-benar menunjukkan bahwa La Sama tahu persis tugas dari seorang presiden adalah merangkul semua orang, tidak mengkotak-kotakkan rakyat. Hanya dengan persatuan yang dapat memungkinan jalannya bagi pembangunan. Dan semua orang akan menikmati kemerdekaan dan pembangunan bila tidak ada diskriminasi. Sosok seperti La Sama ini yang dibutuhkan rakyat Timor-Leste, tegas tetapi tidak diskriminatif, lembut tapi tidak toleran kepada tindakan-tindakan yang menentang hukum.

Pemimpin yang tidak membeda-bedakan orang karena latar belakang politik di massa lalu atau membeda-bedakan orang Timor-Leste dari dalam dan dari luar negeri, tidak membeda-bedakan orang berdasarkan ras, etnik, agama, politik dan kelas sosial yang kita butuhkan. Kita membutuhkan seorang pemimpin demokrat yang bisa merangkual semua orang Timor-Leste. La Sama termasuk salah satu orang dari anak bangsa Timor-Leste yang memenuhi syarat untuk menjadi presiden RDTL. Sekarang kembali kepada rakyat untuk memutuskan, memelih anak bangsa terbaik yang akan menjadi presiden mereka, anak bangsa yang tidak membeda-bedakan mereka tetapi merangkul dan memberikan perhatian yang sama kepada semua warga negaranya.

* ALUMNI UNTIM
publicada por FORUM HAKSESUK @ 5:42 PM

domingo, 11 de dezembro de 2011

East Timor – a brief Update

Saturday, 10 December 2011

Opinion by Agio Pereira


Abstract
Agio Pereira
Secretary state for Council Ministers
Timor-Leste is amongst the youngest nation-state of the United Nations system and is about to mark its first decade as a sovereign state, with equal status as any member of the United Nations. There is excitement about marking this tenth anniversary on 20 May 2012. Next year Timor-Leste will also celebrate the 100 year anniversary of the 1912 great Revolt of Manufahi, led by D. Boaventura, against Portuguese colonial rulers. Having experienced centuries of colonial rule, almost a quarter of a century of foreign occupation and a war of resistance, a referendum for self-determination followed by a bloody transition, and finally the gain of its rightful sovereignty as an independent nation on 20 May 2002, Timor-Leste is one country with incredible history prior to becoming a State. As this piece is being written, the National Parliament concluded the 13-day debate on the 2012 State Budget, ending with the approval of almost $USD1.7 billion in expenditure which largely provides the  kick off envisaged by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão to implement the 20 year Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030 approved by the Parliament earlier this year. Reflecting upon this very first decade of Statebuilding exposes the pain and the inspirational dynamics of this process with its many lessons of success as well as its weaknesses, and of national resilience - important lessons for the international community, particularly in the realms of nationbuilding and Statebuilding.        

Key words: Timor-Leste, elections, stability, political parties, CNRT, Fretilin, celebrations, nationbuilding and statebuilding, development, trust, peacebuilding 

Introduction
 
In May 20, 2002, East Timor was renamed Timor-Leste. This change was made so that East Timor would not merely be defined as a geographical reference to the eastern part of the Timor island, but that its name should reflect a sovereign nation-state encompassing not only the eastern part of the island but also the smaller islands of Jaco and Ataúro, located respectively on the eastern most tip of the island and in the northern region facing the capital, Díli, as well as all the maritime waters and air space rightfully belonging to a sovereign state. On September 27, 2002, Timor-Leste became a full member of the United Nations, after 24 years of fighting against the illegal occupation by Indonesia and three years of administration by the United Nations’ mission UNTAET following the Popular Consultation, which was the referendum held under the auspices of the United Nations and organised by UNAMET.  On 20 May 2012, Timor-Leste will be ten years old as a sovereign state. This update delves into the process of nationbuilding and the building of the modern state of Timor-Leste and considers the many challenges faced and the reasons for its successes. After a number of serious crises exposing institutional weaknesses and polarised politics, the current government succeeded in regaining the trust of the people in the institutions of the state.   The road towards consolidation of this institutional capacity building, however, still has diverse and complex challenges to overcome. Where Timor-Leste is now is the central discussion; where it is going will not be considered in detail, but the pattern of development achieved gives much hope that the future is bright for a resilient people and their state.

A history with much to celebrate, a future with much to be done
 
Understandably, as the year of 2012 approaches, there is growing excitement about marking the very first decade of sovereignty of Timor-Leste and the 10 year anniversary of existing on an equal footing, with the same responsibilities and rights, as all other members of the United Nations. For Timor-Leste joining the United Nations on September 27, 2002, meant commitment to abiding by and to implementing the provisions of the United Nations’ Charter. This is a huge responsibility. International security is one such responsibility. Prohibition on the use of force against other states and working towards global peace, are of paramount importance, as inherent principles of membership. Timor-Leste is well positioned to accommodate both provisions.  This is not only because of our culture of good leadership, demonstrated by the country receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in 1996, shared by Bishop Carlos Ximenes Belo and Dr. José Ramos-Horta, but also because the people of Timor-Leste suffered 24 years of war with massive death toll and generational sacrifices. These particularities certainly position Timor-Leste, its people and leadership, with a disposition favoring peace and security.

In the year of 2012, Timor-Leste will celebrate three major events. One is the tenth anniversary of the restoration of independence; another is the 100 year anniversary of the revolt of Manufahi, led by D. Boanventura, in 1912. The third is the celebration of the 500 year anniversary of the arrival of the Portuguese and the beginning of their colonial dominance. The last two celebrations are important political benchmarks. If on one hand the anti-colonial stand, led by D. Boaventura, can be rightly posited as the embodiment of the desire of the people of Timor-Leste to be independent, on the other, the five hundred years since the start of colonial rule can be viewed as the foundation of the modern process towards nationhood which ultimately led to the de jure right to be independent and sovereign. Both, therefore, complement each other. The celebrations will be important, but of more significance will be the enhancement of the deep understanding of the responsibilities of a Nation-State within the community of Nations, with particular emphasis on regional commitment towards security and peacebuilding. It is this understanding that will honor the sacrifices of those who perished in 1912, those who also suffered, for whatever political or other reason, during the centuries of colonial rule and, more recently, those who died under the 24-year Indonesian occupation. It is these sacrifices that made it possible for a Nation, that exists between two giant States – the Republic of Indonesia and the Commonwealth of Australia – to be able to strive successfully, with results that are already noticeable over ten years, as a sovereign State.  

Beyond its celebrations, 2012 will also mark an important turning point for the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste. The second presidential election and the second legislative election will be held. These are free and democratic elections ever held in the history of Timor-Leste as an independent and sovereign nation-state. In the first two (presidential and legislative) elections, in 2007, the presidential election was undertaken without incident. The three main candidates, Dr. José Ramos-Horta running as an independent, Mr. Fernando ‘La Sama’ de Araújo, president of the Democratic Party and Mr. Francisco ‘Lu-Olo’ Guterres, president of Fretilin, undertook their task as candidates in exemplar manners. The presidential election went to a second round and Dr. Ramos-Horta was comfortably elected, defeating Francisco Guterres. The legislative election, on the other hand, involved some violent incidents during the campaign period, resulting in the death of two persons, although whether these two deaths were directly related to the political campaign itself was not clear. The elections resulted in no single party obtaining an absolute majority to claim government in its own right and so, in accordance with the Constitution, the President was able to accept the post-electoral coalition named the Alliance of the Parliamentary Majority.

An alliance with a parliamentary majority was crucial for the stability of the State. First, because pursuant to the Timor-Leste constitutional system, the government of the day can be brought down if its proposed budget is rejected by the Parliament twice. This means having a majority in the Parliament is the only means to ensure that this does not occur. Second, the Government of the day can also face a vote of no confidence in the Parliament, put forward, obviously, by the opposition. If such a vote succeeds, the Government collapses and the President either establishes another government after consultation with the political parties represented in the Parliament or maintains a caretaker Government for elections to be help as soon as possible (in accordance with section 86 and 100 of the RDTL Constitution). A parliamentary majority is, therefore, crucial for national stability and the establishment of a foundation for development.

Will the 2012 legislative election produce an absolute majority for one party?  This is the sixty million dollar question. The behavior of the national electorate is not being tested frequently enough to provide a baseline by which an educated guess can be sustained. But there are some important indicators one may use to address this uncertainty. First, the party led by Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, CNRT, in 2007 had little time to prepare.  This was because Mr. Gusmão was then President of the Republic and only after the swearing-in of the new President was he free to lead his party to face the challenges of campaigning across the country to win votes.  The new President, Dr. José Ramos-Horta, was sworn-in by the Parliament on 20 of May 2007, and the thirty-day campaign kicked off immediately after that, leading to the vote on June 30, 2007. Fretilin, with a comfortable majority prior to that very first legislative election, lost 34 seats (out of previously 88-seat Parliament,[1] was reduced to only 21 seats in the current legislature. CNRT of Xanana Gusmão, in spite of being one of the newest parties in the campaign, managed 18 seats, only three less than Fretilin. Other major parties maintained approximately the same seats held previously, as a result of the Constituent Assembly election.

However, in the last two years Fretilin has made creative moves to regain the lost electoral ground. It has undertaken a process known as consolidação,[2] seeking to consolidate its support base and, from there, to work towards gaining further backing to win government in 2012. In addition, Fretilin also held its congress this year after a direct ballot where each member was given the opportunity to vote to re-elect the President and the Secretary-General of the party. Increasingly, Fretilin appears more confident in achieving its ultimate goal of taking back government. Whether this level of confidence reflects reality, remains to be seen. The next election will be held on June 29, 2012 at which time it can be confirmed whether Fretilin’s optimism is justified. Other parties have also been aggressively pursuing consolidação and for the same reasons, with some more visible than others. The Democratic Party (PD) has just completed its second congress in Díli, with 5000 (five thousand) representatives. Both, the incumbent President and Secretary-General were re-elected. The decision made by the Parliament last year to provide a subsidy for political parties with representation in the Parliament boosted the capacity of the Parliamentary Parties to pursue, with success, the revival and strengthening of their structures, their support base and their ability to succeed in the organisation of their national congress.   

For CNRT, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, who is also CNRT Party President, together with coalition partners, succeeded in re-establishing law and order and an overall sense of security, vital conditions for national development to proceed without unnecessary setbacks. Investment has been forthcoming, although much more is still needed to gear towards a satisfactory level of job creation so that long-term stability can be sustained. Major reforms with clear success have taken place. The creation of the national body for the public service, Comissão da Função Pública, (Civil Service Commission) helped to mitigate the perception of corruption, collusion and nepotism and build renewed trust in the process of governance. The creation of the Anti-Corruption Commission further enhanced this positive perception. Both bodies are crucial for corruption prevention as their existence has already provided deterrence with high levels of expectation that the worst case scenarios of corruption, at least, now have a higher probability of being exposed.

Changing mentality was the key strategic policy Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão brought into the realms of Timorese national politics. He did this for a number of important reasons. First, the people of Timor-Leste never experienced a sovereign independent nation-state prior to May 20, 2002. The consequence of this is that a mentality of dependence can exist which hinders the ways in which governance can be made effective and efficient, the latter in terms of budget priorities, execution and outcomes. Dependency mentality includes the expectation that the Government will, and must, provide handouts with little impulse to move beyond this to build self-reliance. Subsidies for the elderly, the handicapped and veterans, orphans and widows of the struggle for national liberation are sensible policies which were part of the official policy approved in the first congress of CNRT and have been implemented with strong national consensus. And dependency mentality mode is certainly not at all pervasive. However, the inherent dependency expectations that have resulted from poverty and lack of jobs require strategic policies aiming at responding and minimising the consequences of dependency mentality. Secondly, changing mentality also involved erasing the then prevailing culture of politicising the public service, public media, private sector, the military and the police.  It was based on these premises that Xanana Gusmão exerted within his party, CNRT, the motto that ‘we are struggling to take over government, not for the sake of controlling the Government, but to make governance of our country viable’. This motto instigates a mentality of focusing on results, not on occupying positions for the position’s sake.

The principles of changing mentality and making our government viable are central to Statebuilding. First, because there is the need to shift the mindset of freedom fighters from one with characteristics which are very important for the Struggle for National Liberation to one focus on citizenship of the state, as warranted by the Constitution. As often reminded by Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, since 20 May 2002, all the Timorese have the same constitutional rights and duties, as citizens. The citizenship provides for the spirit of building together the institutions of the State without which the State cannot carry on its function with the expected normality. Second, shifting mentality means political parties must nurture the spirit of independence to help the young State to grow. Third, having a mentality which praises independence of the citizen means the State can provide for the necessary conditions for the people to enjoy freedom and to participate, in responsible and effective ways, in the process of national independence.            

What is it that makes governance viable? The fundamental condition for governance to be viable is national stability; and this requires that all institutions of the State are also stable and steadily evolving. Such institutions include the defence force, the police, the pillars of sovereignty, not least the courts. Governance is about the process of implementing the state budget according to the approved framework, but above all is about participation of all citizens in different levels of administration and other activities pertaining to the enhancement of the well-being of the citizens and the State. The Government, being the executive-arm, is charged with the responsibility to prepare the State Budget and to submit it to the Parliament for debate and subsequent approval. The budget process itself requires a proper reflection about the real needs of the country. Limited financial resources to answer to all the real needs impose upon the Government and Parliament the necessity to select priorities which first and foremost must be addressed to maintain national stability. Electricity for the nation and major infrastructure which impact on every key sector such as roads and water, including major irrigation systems, become determining factors. Combined with human needs, such as the elderly and veterans of war, the IV Constitutional Government and the Parliament have reached a compromise that ensures a positive impact on national security and stability. Compromise between long-term and short-term needs and priorities becomes the art of devising the State Budget.    

Governance also entails the development of civil society and the people in general. Development has different meanings in different phases of statehood. At this stage, Timor-Leste needs jobs for the youth. A healthy democracy requires active participation of civil society in the debates on the best ways to move the country forward, which complements the debates taking place within and between the political parties and in the Parliament. There is also the crucial factor of media development. This particular sector, for the first time this year, due to the work of the Government and the support from Parliament, succeeded in obtaining one million dollars to further its development. Issues such as professionalism and capacity of the newspapers to generate employment, media websites, structuring processes which include media law and capacity building, are some of the key factors to be considered. The equally important community radio system of the country figures as a major focus for this approved budget to be implemented in 2012. The general election will be held on June 29, 2012. It is expected that by July there will be a new government, the Fifth Constitutional Government[3] with its own program but will also implement the programs already approved by the Parliament for 2012.

Following the election, one major focus will be the phasing out of UNMIT, the United Nations Mission for Timor-Leste. UNMIT was established within a context and with a scope most appropriate to respond to the crisis sparked in 2006. Institutional capacity building for the national police, the PNTL, featured amongst the most important task. Until March this year, this mission can be said to have been accomplished because UNMIT has now handed over total command responsibilities to the Timorese PNTL.  A similar handover ceremony was held in 2004 by the then UNMISET, which included handing over the defense sector.  Within only two years, however, the crisis took place involving the PNTL and the defence force, the Falintil-FDTL. The question as to whether the United Nations has fulfilled all the prerequisites for a mission accomplished, or whether the handover of total command responsibility is premature, may still be lurking in the air. Time can give the best answer. There are reasons to be confident. One of these is the success of joint operations between these two institutions. Another is the stable process of police screening and promotions. A third is the successful recruitment and capacity building F-FDTL has undertaken so far, with promising results in terms of future senior military cadres drawn from younger generation with an in-depth sense of national responsibility.

Bearing in mind the above, an update on Timor-Leste has to involve taking into account major developments which will enable the country to move forward. It goes without saying, however, that this brief update cannot and it is not indented to cover every major aspect of the complex process of consolidating nationbuilding and statebuilding that Timor-Leste inevitably must pursue. The forthcoming 2012 general election will mark a turning point, one which reaffirms the resilience of the Timorese to succeed in this era of post-conflict and globalisation. As mentioned before, it is difficult to predict the outcome of the next legislative election. What is certain is that whichever political force wins the election will carry on the huge burden of moving the country beyond conflict to enter the much-needed era of infrastructure development, enhancing the capacity of private sector and foreign investment. National stability has been restored and mentality changes have occur, but these need to be understood as a process requiring building on what has been achieved to multiply positive effects; and in doing so, avoiding dangerous situations which could return the country to an environment of insecurity. Therefore, leaders must be realistic in their politics and avoid excessive idealism in their analysis of causes and effects.      

What about this last debate on 2012 State Budget just ended on November 25? This is the eighth budget the Fourth Constitutional Government has submitted to the Parliament for approval.[4]  All eight budgets were subjected to a process of in-depth analyses by relevant Standing Committees of the National Parliament. Government members answering questions by Standing Committee Members about the reasons and logic of the proposed budget, level of execution of the current budget and respective results. The analyses include almost item by item breakdown to highlight weaknesses and challenge the government to explain. This process helped to enrich the understanding of the philosophy of the budget, including budget dynamics imposed by national priorities as identified by the Government. In the first three years of the mandate (August 2007 – August 2010), as reflected in the first three budgets (see footnote), the major concerns of the Government were initiatives which help respond to national security needs. These included solving the problem of the so-called peticionários (petitioners), made up of former F-FDTL members dissatisfied with their Force Commanders and abandoned their barracks to protest publicly against what they perceived as discrimination in regard to opportunities for promotion and other matters. The Constitution of Timor-Leste allows citizens to present Petitions to the pillars of sovereignty. Officially, on March 1, 2006, all 591 military personnel associated with the group peticionários were effectively dismissed by the Command of F-FDTL.[5]

Another equally potentially destabilising factor was the group of former Major Alfredo Reinado. On March 4 2005, after suffering an armed assault by the ISF in Same-Manufahi district,[6] from which four of his men were killed but he escaped, Alfredo Reinado confiscated automatic weapons from the Border Police Unit and engaged in on-and-off dialogue with national authorities. In the early morning of February 8, 2008, Reinado decided to enter the residence of the President of the Republic, with unclear intention. As a consequence, he himself was killed by the guards, his former comrades of F-FDTL. His other subgroup led by former Lt. Ten. Salsinha, also shot at the Prime Minister, on the same day, on the road near Prime-Minister’s private residence at Balíbar, Díli. Prime-Minister Xanana Gusmão escaped without injury. Salsinha and his group also escaped the authorities, but after a Joint F-FDTL – PNTL operation to capture the group, Salsinha and his men finally decided to surrender and agreed to be driven to the Government House[7] in Díli, to handover their guns to the Prime-Minister whom they still considered their historic resistance leader. Following this final act, a major potential risk for destabilisation from para-military groups finally was put to rest.

To understand better the focus on national security and stability, one needs to go back some years, to reflect on the violence experienced by the newly-independent country of Timor-Leste. Soon after becoming an independent and sovereign state on 20 May 2002, Timor-Leste experienced the first serious crisis which took place on 4 December 2002, in Díli. Disgruntled youth, backed by political leaders and mainly sparked by an accident in a local school in Díli, marched in the capital, decided to burn down the popular supermarket known as ‘Hello Mister’, which was then a symbol of the newly acquired stability. The private residence of the then Prime Minister Mari Alkatiri was also subjected to arson.[8] Two years later, in March 2004, a former veteran known as L-Fohorai Bo’ot or L-7, together with hundreds of his followers, marched to the Government House where the Prime Minister works and demanded his resignation, placing a coffin with the name of the Prime Minister right at the main entrance of the building. The police reacted with excessive force making the environment extremely violent although no deaths resulted. A year later in April 2005, after public statements made by leaders of the Catholic Church against the government, priests and followers occupied the main road in front of the Government House for 19 days, again, demanding the resignation of the then Prime Minister Alkaktiri. The protest ended amicably. A signed statement committing the Government to undertake a number of actions, including criminalising abortion was the end product. About a year later in April 2006, the phenomenon of the petitioners sparked violence, including car burnings, street shootings and the direct involvement of the military in responding to the violence provoked by their former comrades. The crisis ended with the killing of 8 and the wounding of 12 police officers. A United Nations independent investigation commission was established and the report exposed the complexities of the situation,[9] some of which remain to be addressed as this update is being written.             

That is why, the Fourth Constitutional Government, led by Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão, identified that the one of the determining factor affecting national stability was institutional in nature. Due to the crises outlined above, in particular the 2006 crisis, the state of affairs in the institutions of the police and armed forces was not conducive to stability. For F-FDTL the issue was relevance. Having been a force deriving from the former and highly successful guerrilla fighters, its evolution towards a modern army was painful. This involved a different command structure, rules, relationships are and, above all, a different role which was to protect the sovereignty of the newly-born state, the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste. The Command, having been educated in the guerrilla warfare, where politics must be the essence of all actions, transitioning to a force separated from the political institutions of the democratic state was a new dimension to their existence. Understanding the Constitution and how it is to be implemented was an important step. The new motto was to work hard to understand politics but not to play politics. The latter, playing politics, is, of course, the central role of the political parties and civil society organisations and belongs to civil (not military) realms. The police or PNTL also needed to recover its morale and Command structure. Being the institution in charge of law and order, or law enforcement, the police required legitimacy which derives from the respect the public has for the force.    

Therefore, focusing on recovering institutional prestige was the important task the IVCG had to undertake at all costs for the sake of national stability and statebuilding. The Prime Minister, who also holds the portfolio of Defence and Security, supported by two Secretaries of State, respectively for Defence and Security, without delay, implemented all actions necessary to ensure such a recovery. For the F-FDTL, being an institution built on the prestige of the veterans of the Struggle for National Liberation, now led by the Minister of Defence and Security who was their own top leader of the resistance, recovery was not very difficult. The crisis of February 11, 2008, where the President was shot and severely wounded and the Prime Minister shot at but escaped injury, also resulting in Alfredo Reinado shot and killed, created the first very serious crisis where the State almost became a failed-state. However, the Government and all institutions of sovereignty and, the people as a whole, geared towards acting in synchrony and demonstrating high sense of responsibility. The PNTL and F-FDTL joined resources to generate a very successful conflict resolution. The remaining group of Alfredo Reinado, now led by Gastão Salsinha, surrendered without a shot being fired and they all accepted to be subjected to the due process of the formal justice system of Timor-Leste.   

This brief update could not be satisfactory without delving into the budget debate processes. For a number of reasons, Timor-Leste is perhaps one of the rarest cases in which the debate about the budget for each financial year is undertaken with a high degree of transparency. First, each Standing Committee has to review the budget proposals, especially those sectors that are relevant to the jurisdiction of each of the nine committees. Second, there is total cooperation between the Government and the Parliament even though both are autonomous pillars of sovereignty and members of Government must not sit in the Parliament. Second, the Standing Committee hearings are public and subject to intense media coverage. Once the Standing Committee ‘C’, which is responsible for reporting back to the Plenary of the Parliament on State Budget hearings, presents its recommendations and criticisms they must be answered by the Government. The Plenary session then begins with a 3-day debate on the general structure of the proposed budged. The Prime Minister presents the rational and strategies that led to the final proposal and the head of the Parliamentary Group of each of the political parties in the Plenary also present their views about the proposed budget. The first 3-day debate is often heated, as this last one has been. This 3-day initial debate is followed by ten days of further debate on specific items contained in the budget, including policies, attributed funding and the capacity to execute within the respective financial year or beyond. All the full 13-day budget debate is usually robust and is broadcast live via the public broadcasting television and radio or RTTL. The Budget debate for 2012 ended on November 25, 2011, with an amount of around USD$1.7 billion being approved and which has a particular focus on infrastructure and capacity building. Overall, this budget confirms that the Timorese people and the leadership of Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão succeeded in implementing the program of the Fifth Constitutional Government. Strong self-confidence and resolve are obvious in the process leading to the final approval of this last budget. The people and leadership of Timor-Leste have decided to move forward at all costs. Failure, therefore, is definitely not an option.

On midnight of November 27 last, a major event took place in Timor-Leste with the switch-on of the Hera Power Plant to supply energy to the northern coast of the country. The event was led by President José Ramos-Horta, with a powerful speech highlighting the trajectory of Prime Minister Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão from guerrilla warfare until today. The courage and vision of Xanana Gusmão constitute the engine that is still moving this country forward. Only with such courage and determination could an investment of this magnitude have been made. This concerns providing electricity to the nation; the implications for the well-being of the Timorese society cannot be measured in words. In 2009, Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão declared the kicking-off of his plans for infrastructure. Electricity, roads, bridges, ports, airports and water, were part of the plan that he had in mind. Electricity, having a determining structural impact over all others, had to come first. And it did. By December this year the remaining northern districts will also benefit from electricity supply. By March next year, the southern coast will also receive its own electricity, powered by eight generators from the power plant now under construction in the south coast town of Betano.

With sufficient and reliable electricity supply, the plans envisaged in the national Strategic Development Plan 2011-2030 can now be pushed forward. Factories can now be realistically built. Cement and other civil construction related industries can be established to supply the works within a reasonable price and with certainty of supply. Schools can benefit from electricity and students can also study in the evening without interruption due to regular power outages. Hospitals can function better and water supply can be improved with the power available to generate reliable water distribution systems. Foreign investment can now be contemplated with higher sense of certainty and confidence. The Government transformed the country from one where electricity was a daily political debate to one where reliable power supply is ensured. Timor-Leste is in a better position to respond to other structural needs, including water, sanitation, roads, bridges, ports and airports. Furthermore, once some bridges of major strategic value are built and some equally important ports and airports also becoming reality, the country will reach the much-needed threshold of strategic development where the remaining stages will be implemented with faster pace and quality. By 2015 political debates will not be so much focused on electricity, roads and bridges, but on higher quality of education and health, jobs and equity. Issues pertaining to competiveness of the country in the global and regional market economy, including efficiency in service delivery will also be high in the political agenda.         
  
Conclusion
In summary, the last four years of the current Government was dominated by the process of responding to national security risks and the actions undertaken resulted in great success. Statebuilding of the Democratic Republic of Timor-Leste is about to reach its  tenth anniversary which will, undoubtedly, register unparalleled achievement, in spite of conflicts that occurred almost on a yearly basis from December 2002 until February 2008. The nation itself – its culture, religion, identity and politics – emerged out of all these crises with stronger faith in statebuilding. Still, there are serious challenges ahead and constraints of all kinds which require careful attention and responsible leadership. Of the challenges ahead, there must be emphasis on a number of issues. First, unemployment continues to be one of the biggest barriers to be overcome by any future government. Having a predominantly young population, chronic unemployment, if not overcome, can be a time-bomb waiting to explode. The nation’s leadership needs to manage expectations properly so that communication between government and people continues to be reinforced, as Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão has successfully proven that it can be done; and then only hard work remains needed. Second, education for the younger generation needs to be of better quality so that the state can produce a well prepared younger generation to take charge of the future. Third, a smart international relations strategy needs to be adopted to make the most of the opportunities derived from the growing interconnectedness of the globalised world; and to deal with and balance all the benefits and risks any modern state has to face. If the success in these last ten years is an appropriate indicator, the future for Timor-Leste is promising. 


Díli, December 2012
Timor-Leste


[1] The 88 seat-Parliament was a result of simply transforming the 88-Member Constituent Assembly into Parliament
[2] ‘Consolidação’ is Portuguese, meaning to strengthen the membership and militancy of the political party
[3] Unless no single party won absolute majority and no parliamentary majority alliance has been formed by then. This would create a Belgium situation. Belgium has gone for more than a year without a government formed after the election. See www.allvoices.com/contributed-news/8236353-belgium-249-days-without-a-government-world-record-beating 
[4] The first budget was the transition budget for the period of 1 July until 31 December 2008. The second was the 2008 budget; the third was the supplementary budget for the same year. The fourth was 2009 budget. The fifth was the 2010 budget; the sixth was the supplementary budget for the same year. The seventh was the 2011 budget and the eighth is this last one, just approved, for 2012.
[5] For detailed information on the events pertaining to 2006 crisis, see the “Report of the United Nations Independent Special Commission of Inquiry for Timor-Leste. http://www.ohchr.org/Documents/Countries/COITimorLeste.pdf
[6] ‘East Timor rebel hideout raided by ISF’, Agencies Díli, Monday, March 5, 2007, www.taipeitimes.comNews/world/print/2007/03/05/2003351053 
 [7] Known mostly as ‘Palácio do Governo’, in Portuguese
[8] ‘UNIMISET Report on 4 December 2002 Civil Disturbance’, East Timor Law and Justice Bulletin, 28 December 2008, http://easttimorlegal.blogsopt.com/2008/12/unmiset-report-on-4-december-2002-civil.html  
[9] ‘The Report of the United Nations Independent Commission of Inquiry for Timor-Leste’, op.cit.