Doctorism v. Big Brotherism: A response to Big Man Culture V. Mauberism

By Fidelis Magalhaes

I found Anderson´s article on Big Brotherism v. Mauberism rather romantic. In his attempt to draw a philosophical, or rather cultural, divide among the Timorese leaders, he fails to reflect the reality on the ground. So in this response I set out to clarify a number of issues.

First, he claims that the ‘Big man’ culture means that local and political conflict are seen as resolvable by the intervention of a great personality, a hero or mediator. The ‘big man’ politician, like the clan leader or the Liurai, can be seen as a unifying force, expected to impose himself on the situation and then distribute benefits. Still in the same context, he draws a parallel with the Melanesian culture of a big man who garners loyalty by distributing club goods. Although, this quick assertions may ring true if we conduct a hasty analysis, but once one goes deeper one would find that things are not that black and white. In fact that very big brotherism that he chastises in fact is a subset of Mauberism it-self. Big Brotherism is a product of the resistance years. It did not come out of the blue without a clear genesis. Big brotherism, despite the fact that it had already been used in the jungle among the FALINTIL fighters partially due to the near annihilation of its original leaders and in search for comfort out of a collective orphanhood, became popularized by the sudden participation of the youth circa. 1989. This last wave of participation and their obvious age difference with Xanana and other FALINTIL leaders allowed this big brotherism to grow.

Returning to the meaning of big brotherism, unlike the big man culture in Melanesia (and also common in Africa), big brotherism is not totally hierarchical and has less emphasis on the distribution of club goods. Although big brotherism implies a hierarchy of political seniority, it, nevertheless, provides a space for criticism. In the meetings that I participated in as a member of the youth wing during the resistance and in more recent political conventions, brotherism grants a room for open criticism within the spirit of brotherhood. Even the big brothers themselves are not insulated from criticisms. Instead, big brotherism and brotherism in general, allow people to criticize their leaders without fearing any harsh retaliation, as the discussion was conducted in the spirit of brotherhood. Having pointed out the meaning and origin of big brotherism, I also concur that this kind of reference to political leaders have the potential to be manipulated for the purpose of centralizing power. But if we take a more critical stance, any terms employed to characterize human relations are inherently precarious and prone to political manipulations. This is because power itself is not a thing. In fact power lies in human relationships. Power exist only in relation to others and not independent in the self.

Going deeper into the relationship between mauberism and big brotherism, they both have an origin in the resistance. Both expressions invoke a shared narrative--the nationalist grand narrative. So in a sense, putting our own conviction aside, it is not right to ignore the connection between the two. Brotherism and Mauberism are not that far off. The commonality of experience and brotherhood in arms of every Timorese articulated in Mauberism that gave life to brotherism and big brotherism.

Secondly, in the article Anderson claims that big brotherism is only used by Xanana, JRH and TMR. This assertion is mere accidental, or intentional since his attempt is to develop a coherent argument for the article. I prefer to go with the second guess. He excludes the fact that even Lu Olo himself is a member of the club. Mr. Lu Olo is often referred to as Maun Lu or Camarada Maun Lu not only by party members but by most of those who participated in the resistance regardless of their current party affiliation. This is a way to show him respect and to demonstrate some degree of trust. Even TMR still refers to Mari Alkatiri and Lu Olo as maun and alin. In fact he addresses Mari Alkatiri as Maun Bo'ot for being one of the founding fathers of this nation. Lu Olo still uses the term to refer to others in various occasions. So to cut it short the big brotherism is not only used by one or two individuals but in fact by all the historical figures; they only differ in frequency.

Thirdly, supposedly Mari Alkatiri and Lu Olo do not use big brotherism, they still something else that is not mauberism. They use what I call doctorism (in my view they use a mix of doctorism and big brotherism). This should have been analyzed in the article as well. As we are currently witnessing, there is an attempt to portray Mr. Lu Olo as another Dr, the other being Dr. Alkatiri.Without losing my admiration to Mr. Lu Olo's commitment to learning and his intellectual aptitude, I find the excessive use of doctorism runs in contrary to the mauberism that Anderson claims. When Mauberism means egalitarianism and 'stress[ing] identification with these same people. Common rural people (and not a European-style working class) were seen as the revolutionary subjects of an independence movement aiming at ‘ukun rasik an’ (self determination)'. The fact speaks louder than discourses. The self proclaim doctorism stands quite far away from the mauberism. This rather than revolutionary, on the contrary, reminds me of what Frantz Fanon said about the post-colonial elites. This mimicking is no less or more than the big brotherism. They represent the post colonial mindset. Moreover, doctorism runs in direct contradiction with Mauberism, because it springs out from the European bourgeoisie class. It is commonly used in Portugal and is a sign of distinct social and economic class. How, then one asks, can it represent the mauberes? One hypothesis is that we needed philosopher kings. But this also does not hold as soon as we begin to problematize. This is another example of the objectification of the maubere people who are in need for the enlightened ones. This is not different from Anderson's Big Brotherism.

Finally, I think that what we need to do in Timor Leste is to politicize politics. I understand why there is an attempt to characterize Taur Matan Ruak as an anti-Maubere/FRETILIN who is somewhat subject to exogenous pressures. There is even an attempt to portray him as a puppet of the current Prime Minister. I agree that the brotherly relations between all the resistance figures will to some degree continue to have an influence on their policy. But this relationship is shared not only between TMR and Xanana but also with other figures such as Lu Olo and Mauhuno. This very relationship, despite how negative it appears, that has allowed them to criticize each other without killing each other. Despite all the politics there still is a mutual respect and soft spots for each other. This is also why TMR's presidency is going to be different. He can with his own credential have a frank discussion with whoever in charge of the government. His entry into politics is to ensure that we achieve the dream of independence. Tolerating bad governance is not in the agenda, but frank discussions to have a better governance is. We will see who can work to better the lives of the Mauberes, let's wait and see.

Timorese elections: ‘big man’ culture v. ‘mauberism’

By TIM ANDERSON

This year’s (2012) elections in Timor Leste will not just be about a clash of parties or personalities, but also a confrontation between two important themes: ‘mauberism’ and ‘big man’ culture.

Fretilin’s better known ‘mauberism’ is an assertion of indigenous identity which stresses cultural pride and collective action. ‘Maubere’ was the derogatory word used by the Portuguese for ordinary Timorese. Fretilin reclaimed the idea to stress identification with these same people. Common rural people (and not a European-style working class) were seen as the revolutionary subjects of an independence movement aiming at ‘ukun rasik an’ (self determination).

Many have written on the practical (e.g. literacy) and cultural achievements (post-colonial self-confidence) of ‘mauberism’. A criticism is sometimes made: did ‘mauberism’ elevate a racial element which was at times used against the many ‘mestizo’ or mixed race Timorese? If it did, the next question would be: to what extent does this matter?

Less has been said about ‘big man’ culture, a Melanesian concept which seems to also have roots in East Timorese culture, not least through the Liurai (kingly) tradition. The role of Xanana Gusmao in the post-independence scene is certainly the best example of this. In Timor it is sometimes referred to as the ‘maun bo’ot’ (big brother) idea.

‘Big man’ culture means that local and political conflict are seen as resolvable by the intervention of a great personality, a hero or mediator. The ‘big man’ politician, like the clan leader or the Liurai, can be seen as a unifying force, expected to impose himself on the situation and then distribute benefits.

Political weaknesses of this approach might be immediately apparent. The language is populist (promising more than is delivered, or hiding other agendas), accountability is ignored and corrupt private networks tend to displace the public sphere and to restrict participation. Mauberism, on the other hand, maintained the legitimacy of wider popular participation.

Xanana Gusmao joined his undoubted charisma and ambition with a disregard for conventional party politics. He left Fretilin in the 1980s, helped set up the Democrat Party (PD) prior to independence, then abandoned them for his new ‘CNRT’ in 2007. President Jose Ramos Horta invited this CNRT (with 24% of the vote in 2007, compared to Fretilin’s 29%) to form a government.

Horta himself, having built a prominent public profile, joined the ‘big man’ culture, unlike other prominent political leaders (like Estanislau da Silva and Rui Araújo, of Fretilin; or Fernando ‘Lasama’ de Araújo, of the PD) who continue to work, collegially, through political parties.

Many of Timor’s smaller parties (PD, PUN, PPT) are quite new, having been formed when the UN opposed a government of national unity (as was represented by the original ‘CNRT’, which included Fretilin) and pushed for a competitive multi-party system. As it happened, the first post-independence government, a Fretilin-led coalition, was almost a government of national unity. That all disappeared in 2006.

The multi-party system has arguably weakened the country. It certainly played a role in the conflict of 2006. Yet ‘big man’ culture was also prominent in divisiveness, and in weakening the young country’s political institutions.

The best example of this is the current, fictional CNRT party. As CNRT General Secretary Dionisio Babo-Soares admitted in Sydney a few years back, the CNRT ‘does not really exist’; but was more a ‘vehicle for change’. That is, it was a vehicle for Xanana to displace Fretilin.

Yet what replaced Fretilin was not a new party with alternative policies, but an unlikely coalition of various groups and individuals prepared to help squeeze out Fretilin, and to remain dependent on Xanana.

The extreme ‘big man’ dependence of the CNRT, and of its wider government coalition the AMP (Parliamentary Majority Alliance), subsequently crippled any real collegial policy formation. For example, the 2010 ‘Strategic Development Plan’ was pretty much an edict from the office of the Prime Minister.

Fretilin puts the weakness of the CNRT/AMP more or less this way: if Xanana Gusmao falls under a bus, that’s the end of CNRT/AMP; if Fretilin leader Mari Alkatiri falls under a bus, Fretilin goes on.

A practical consequence of ‘mauberism’ at the party level is that Fretilin maintains a strong network of branches at a village level; the CNRT, with its ‘big man’ culture, has no such base. In government, ‘mauberism’ encourages collegiality and public accountability; ‘big man’ culture tends to replace this with a supposed benevolence and charity.

Current presidential candidate Taur Matan Ruak – former resistance leader who recently resigned as head of the armed forces – presents another element of ‘big man’ culture in Timorese politics. Taur has set himself against Fretilin’s candidate (Francisco ‘Lu Olo’ Guterres), saying that only he (Taur) can deliver the country from the ‘divisions’ caused by Fretilin: a classic ‘big man’ line.

Like Xanana, Taur is undoubtedly popular, but what he actually represents, beyond the populist rhetoric, remains to be seen. He may have some type of alliance with Xanana, whose government has been weakened by a series of corruption scandals. If this is the case, we may see another ‘big man’ electoral alliance, similar to the Xanana–Horta team in 2007.

Many people, inside and outside Timor, will tend to judge these developments according to their view of the personalities. After all, western ‘presidential’ systems are another form of ‘big man’ culture; albeit more often linked to political parties. Nevertheless, in presidential politics policy building and collegiality seem to matter less than assertions of personal virtue, coupled with popular rhetoric.

Whatever else might be said about the ‘big men’ of post-independence Timor Leste, they are not exactly famous for their brilliant development initiatives.

Horta, a great diplomat, successfully pushed for the virtual abolition of most taxes, leaving Timor Leste with possibly the narrowest tax base in the world and extremely budget dependent on its petroleum revenues.

The administration of Xanana Gusmao has been marked by serious waste and corruption. The largest budgets in the country’s short history have focussed on private contracts for infrastructure, ‘stimulus’ packages and a critical neglect of education and health.

Even if Taur as President were highly ethical and more talented, what legacy does an individual leave behind, in a country which so much to build? Can ‘Big Man’ culture really help develop a nation? I think not. Surely there is more to be said for pooling talents and building some distinct Timorese solutions?

Sem Ramos-Horta e Xanana Gusmão "o país tremia" - bispo de Baucau

Díli, 30 jan (Lusa) - Sem Ramos-Horta e Xanana Gusmão, Timor-Leste "tremia um bocado", porque não há figuras de consenso ou de substituição, defendeu à Lusa o bispo de Baucau, Basílio Nascimento, destacando, por outro lado, a falta de capacidade de ambos para liderar o país.

"Se porventura acontecesse uma desgraça a ambos, o país tremia um bocado, porque neste momento não há uma figura de substituição, que seja de consenso, que seja respeitada pelo país", afirmou Basílio Nascimento à agência Lusa.

Por outro lado, o bispo de Baucau disse também que nem um nem outro -- " o Ramos-Horta um bocado" - têm preparação para levar Timor-Leste "como um país".

"Uma coisa é a liderança de líderes históricos, outra coisa é a administração de um país, penso que aí é o que nos falta", disse, estabelecendo uma relação com a preparação das pessoas.

"Não houve tempo para as pessoas se prepararem, se consciencializarem, cada um foi deitando para a arena política aquilo que cada um julgava que a política era", afirmou.

"Apesar de tudo, há coisas que andam, mais mal que bem, o parlamento funciona, o Governo tropeça muito, mas também vai andando, vai fazendo alguma coisa", mas, prosseguiu, "simplesmente 10 anos depois, as pessoas pensam que já é tempo de ter alguma coisa mais clarificada".

Em relação às eleições presidenciais de 17 de março, o bispo de Baucau afirmou que, se Ramos-Horta não se recandidatar, "a população não se sentirá tranquila".

Segundo o bispo de Baucau, todos os candidatos "têm folha limpa, têm nome", mas ao nível da maturidade e do bom senso que o povo exige "ainda não há fora dele, do Ramos-Horta, quem o assegure".

"Claro que os outros políticos não gostarão de ouvir isto", admite Basílio Nascimento.

Já sobre Xanana Gusmão, "ele impõem-se mais, não como primeiro-ministro, mas como uma figura de referência, uma figura que inspira uma certa confiança", salientou.

O bispo de Baucau disse também esperar eleições tranquilas porque a necessidade de paz é "uma coisa muito profunda".

"Pode ser que eu me engane, mas neste momento a consciência do país em relação à necessidade de paz é uma coisa muito profunda e isto dá-me esperança e confiança de que, talvez ao nível de palavras haverá a feira política, como sempre, mas julgo que no consciente coletivo do país e dos cidadãos há esta recomendação aos políticos para além desta fronteira que não se pode passar", concluiu.

MSE.

Lusa/Fim

Partidu 5 Iha AMP Hasoru Problema Barak “Maiu, Governu Intrega Relatoriu Ba PR Foun”

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Jornal Timor Post - Sesta, 20 Janeiru 2012

Primeiru Ministru (PM), Xanana Gusmao, informa katak, governu Aliansa Maioria Parlamentar (AMP) sei intrega relatoriu tinan lima nian ba PR foun ne’ebe sei eleitu iha eleisaun Prezidensial iha loron 17 Marsu tinan 2012 ne’e.

PM xanana dehan, Governu AMP ne’ebe nia rasik lidera durante tinan lima nia laran sei prepara relatoriu hodi intrega ba prezidente Republika hafoin eleisaun Prezidensial loron 17 Marsu mai ne’e.

“Governu ida ne’e, iha loron 18 fulan Maiu tinan ne’e, entrega Relatoriu ba Prezidenti Republika, atu Prezidenti ne’e nafatin ka iha seluk, entrega ba nia par abele intrega fila fali ba iha governu foun ne’ebe mak sei mai,” dehan PM xanana Gusmao hafoin halo inkontru ho diretores husi Ministeriu Saude, iha salaun konferensia Ministeriu Infra-estrutura, Caicoli, Dili.

Xefe Governu ne’e mos informa tan katak, iha loron 21 fulan maiu tinan 2012 ne’e iha Governu foun ne’ebe mak governu jestaun, nune’e mos relatoriu hirak ne’ebe governu AMP entrega ne’e atu sai dokumentu ida ba governu foun hodi hala’o programa. Tuir ema barak iha Timor-Leste nian hanoin, CNRT mak sei kaer nafatin governo tanba iha kans makaas atu manaan eleisaun geral mai.

Xefe Governu Xanana Gusmao mos rekoinese katak, durante tinan 4 nia laran, Governasaun Aliansa Maioria Parlamentar (AMP) ne’ebe harii husi Partidu 5, ne’ebe hetan fira hosi Presidente Republika atu kaer ukun, hasoru problema barak durante tinan 4 nia laran.

Grigorio Saldanha: Hau hili antes ona Sr. Taur, Hau labele hakiduk Fali

Dili – Eis Koordenador Partidu Fretilin Distritu Dili Sr. Grigorio Saldanha wanhira lori lista apoiantes Taur Matan Ruak nian ba Tribunal Rekursu hateten katak “Hau hili antes ona Sr. Taur, hau labele hakiduk fali. Nia haktuir liu tan katak, hau momentu ne’e dehan ona ba kamarada Lu’olo, diak liu apoio deit ona maun Taur tamba sira ema rezistensia hotu labele hasoru malu iha leten, mais desizaun partidu nian hau respeita. Agora hau opta ona apoio Sr. Taur hau labele hakiduk fali ba kotuk.

Sr. Grigorio Saldanha Nudar Eis koordenador Partidu Fretilin Distritu Dili nian, nebe ses an depois de kongresu Partidu Fretilin nian datoluk iha Setembru tinan kotuk. Sr. Grgorio iha nia statementu ikus molok husik kargu Koordenador Partidu hateten katak, nia ses an tamba sente laiha kolaborasaun serbisu entre Nivel nasional no Distrital, at liu tan hadau malu serbisu para hatudu oin ba Sekretariu Geral hodi hetan pozisaun ba Governasaun tuir mai nian. Hahalok sira ne’e mak ikus mai resulta Grigorio Saldanha tenke husik Strutura Fretilin hodi sai militantes bai-bain.

Entertantu tuir informasaun nebe kolekta iha CCF Comoro hateten katak, Iha altura ida wainhira kompete ba Koordenador Distritu Dili entre Grigorio Saldanha no Arsenio Bano, Mari Alkatiri prefere Arsenio Bano atu sai Koordenador Distritu Dili, maibe tamba delegadu hili mak Grigorio entaun Mari komesa tensaun sae no komesa la inklui ona Grigorio iha konsolidasaun sira iha Distritu Dili nian. Konsolidadasaun hotu iha Dili organiza husi Arsenio laos Grigorio, so dala ida iha Atauro mak Lu’olo Telefone direitamente ba Grigorio hodi husu ba nia atu organiza iha Atauro.

Hahalok tristeza ikus nebe halo ba Grigorio mak fo kartaun observador atu tuir kongresu laos Delegadu tamba ne’e Grigorio lahetan oportunidade atu koalia no hato’o nia ideia durante loron dahuluk kongresu nian. Wanhira delegadu husi Distiritu Dili hato’o pretestu ba Meza, ho arogante Mari bolu deit Grigorio liu husi ekran TVTL hodi hateten nune’e “kamarada Grigorio Saldanha keta iha uma karik, favor ida hakat mai fatin kongresu Centru Convensaun Dili”. Hahalok ida ne’e hatudu oinsa mak Sekretariu Geral Partidu Fretilin trata Grigorio Saldanha ho kargu hanesan Koordenador Komite 12 de Novembro no Sobrevivente, Eis Membro Parlamentu Nasional no Koordenador Partidu Fretilin Distritu Dili.

Hahalok sira ne’e mak ikus mai resulta Grigoria Ses an husi Strutura Fretilin Distritu Dili nian hodi sai deit militantes baibain, tamba ne’e mak ho livremente apoio ba kandidatus presidente independente Taur Matan Ruak, no mos apoio ba Partidu nebe iha relasaun emosional ho nia pasadu. (JC)

Antonio Cardoso: Votus ba Fretilin iha tinan ne’e lahanesan ona uluk

Dili – Sr. Antonio Cardoso eis membro CCF Partidu Fretilin no aktual deputadu Parlamentu Nasional Partidu Fretilin nian afirma katak “iha eleisaun periode rua liu ba ho responsabilidade hanesan membro CCF bainhira vota iha eleisaun lori ema atus ba atus no rihun ba rihun hodi vota ba Fretilin, maibe agora hanesan militantes baibain nia sei lori votu ida hodi ba vota partidu Fretilin iha eleisaun Parlamentar 2012”. Antonio Cardoso haktuir lia hirak ne’e ba TP edisaun Tersa, 17 Janeiru 2012 iha Tribunal Rekursu wanhira lori lista apoiantes kandidatu Presidente Taur Matan Ruak nian ba registu iha Tribunal Rekursu.

Eis Membro CCF ho periode tinan 10 ne’e haktuir liu tan katak “Buat ida membro Comite Central da Fretilin no mos militantes baibain buat ida lahanesan”, afirma nia. Tamba ne’e ho livremente fo apoi ba kandidatu Taur Matan Ruak ba Presidente da Republika duke Apoio Lu-Olo. Hanesan ekipa susesu ba Taur Matan Ruak, nia konfesa katak, sei halo esforsu ho meius hotu-hotu atu oinsa konvense povo ho programa nebe kandidatu prepara.

Hahalok lideransa actual CCF nian nebe lidera husi Presidente Partidu Francisco Guterres Lu-Olo no Sekretariu Geral Mari Alkatiri la konsege akumula membro no militantes, tamba sentiment arogante lori militantes rihun ba rihun obrigadu tenke sai husi knua Fretilin hodi buka mahon ruma nebe bele fo mahon ba sira.

Hahalok arogante laos foin mak akontese, maibe desde hahu iha 1998 iha kongresu ida iha Sydney tama to’o Timor Leste husi 2002 to’o ohin loron. Fretilin oan sira nebe terus no mate, se hirus matan ba funu hodi naran Fretilin iha tempu hasoru invasaun obrigadu tenke husik partidu tamba sente laiha dignidade iha CCF, tamba ne’e sira barak nebe sai tenke buka mahon seluk hodi afirma sira nia pozisaun politika nudar kontribuisaun ida iha era ukun rasik an.

Nudar resultadu husi Lideransa LU-MAR nian, mosu grupu oin-oin hanesan, Mosu Partidu UNDERTIM nebe dirigi husi Eis CCF, Sr, Cornelio Gama L-7 no Reiskadalak, Mosu Grupu Renovador to’o Mudansa nebe ohin loron resulta Partidu Frente Mudansa, Grupu seluk ida mak hamutuk ho maun Xanana funda partidu CNRT, no ida seluk nebe resulta husi kongresu datoluk nian mak hanesan Sr. Antonio Cardoso (Klandestina no Aktual membro Depotadu Fretilin), Sr. Grigorio Saldanha (Koordenador Komite 12 de Novembro & Sobrevivente), Sr. Martinho (eis Chefe Suco Bidau & Prisioneiru Politiko) no sira seluk tan, obrigadu tenke sai ho sentimentu tristeza husik knua Fretilin ba hamutuk ho knua seluk hodi kontinua afirma sira nia pozisaun politika. (AC)

Sekretariu Jeral CNRT: Kandidatu Prezidente Republika Hotu Potensial

Dili. Jornal Nacional Diário (JND). Partidu Congresu Nasional Rekonstrusaun Timorense (CNRT) ne’ebe lidera husi Kay Rala Xanana Gusmao, atual Primeiru-Ministru konsidera kandidatu Presidente Republika ne’ebe agora iha mesak potensial.

Kestaun ne’e haktuir husi Sekretariu Jeral Partidu CNRT, Dionisio Babo ba Jornalista sira, Quarta-Feira (17/01), relasiona ho informasaun balun ne’ebe sai husi ekipa sucesu kandidatu Taur Matan Ruak (TMR) nian balun dehan, CNRT apoio TMR.

“Iha konferensia nasional partidu CNRT iha dia 7-8 Janeiru foin lalais ne’e, hateten katak, pozisaun formal partidu nian maka, la temi sai kandidatu nia naran, maibe atu hili kandidatu ne’ebe deside tiha ona iha konferensia”, koalia Dioniso Babo.

Kriteriu hanesan ema ne’e tenki iha integridade, ema ida ke’e moris terus ho povu iha situasaun difisil, ema ne’ebe maka bele representa rai ne’e ba liur, ema ne’ebe maka respeita konstituisaun, ema ne’ebe maka bele servisu hamutuk ho partidu CNRT no ninia lideransa, e ema ida ne’ebe maka fó nia hanoin hodi moris ho povu ida ne’e, ida ne’e maka kriterius ne’ebe iha, ne’ebe militantes sira sei livre atu hili nia kandidatu Prezidente bazeia ba kriterias ne’ebe iha.

“Militante sira iha direitu tomak atu interpreta hodi hateten se maka sira hakarak vota, tuir sira prense kriterias ne’ebe iha, e militantes CNRT sei vota livre hanesan sidadaun ida, tanba CNRT la iha naran kandidatu ba Presidente Republika, e CNRT hakarak Presidente ida sai mahon ba ema hotu”, katak Dionisio Babo.

CNRT mos hakarak Presidente Republika ida atu garante unidade nasional, estabilidade nasional no iha rekonsiliasaun, e oinsa maka prepara planu atu hadia povu hotu ninia moris.

“Ita agora dadaun ne’e iha figura potensiais ne’ebe maka sai kandidatu ba Presidente Republika e sira ne’e maioria mai husi Veteranus hotu, tamba agora ne’e ema hotu sei fo valores ás tebe-tebes ba veteranus sira, ema sira ne’e ita la kestiona sira nia partisipasaun iha luta, hanesan Taur, La Sama, Horta, Lugo, Rogerio Lobato, Abilio de Araujo no seluk tan e sira mesak potensial atu lidera nasaun ne’e”, haktuir Dionisio Babo.

Dionisio Babo koalia, lider potensial foun atu lidera nasaun Timor-Leste maka hanesan La Sama no Taur hanesan segunda jerasaun nian. Tanba ne’e, CNRT fo liberdade ba nia militantes atu fihir Presidente republika hodi sai mahon ba ema hotu, ne’eduni militantes ida-idak, iha liberdade atu hili lider ba Nasaun ida ne’e. (das)

Fonte: Jornal Nacional Diário (JND), edisaun Quinta-feira (18/01/2012), Ppaj. 5)!